Bulletin for Biblical Research (BBR) 1991

Bulletin for Biblical Research 1 (1991) 41-61

          Ezra and Nehemiah in the Light of
                  the Texts from Persepolis

                                       H. G. M. WILLIAMSON
                                 THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

Between the years of 1931 and 1939 a major excavation of Persepolis ,

one of the capitals of the Achaemenid empire, was undertaken by the

Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.¹ During the course of

these excavations, many discoveries of texts were made, of which

three are of particular concern to us here. The first and largest group

to be unearthed was found initially by accident during the third sea-

son (1933), when E. E. Herzfeld was still leader of the excavation.

"When leveling debris for the construction of a road, Herzfeld dis-

covered great numbers of cuneiform tablets in the northeastern rem-

nants of the Terrace fortification."² These "remnants" proved to have

been a bastion on the northern edge of the terrace, the tablets being lo-

cated in its southeastern portion.³

            1. The following special abbreviations should be noted: AD = G. R. Driver, Aramaic
Documents of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1957); AP = A. Cowley, Aramaic
Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1923); BMAP = E. G. Kraeling, The
Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953); CHI =
I. Gershevitch (ed.), The Cambridge History of Iran . Volume 2: The Median and Achaemenian
Periods (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); PFa = R. T. Hallock, "Selected
Fortification Texts," Cahiers de In Délégation Archéologique Française en Iran 8 (1978) 109-
36; PFT = R. T. Hallock, Persepolis Fortification Tablets ( University of Chicago Oriental In-
stitute Publications 92; Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1969); PTT = G. G. Cam-
eron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets (University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications 65;
Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1948). In all cases where these abbreviations refer
to collections of texts, the references in what follows are to the number of the text cited
unless otherwise stated.
            2. E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis I. Structures, Reliefs, Inscriptions (The University of Chi-
cago Oriental Institute Publications 68; Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1953) 3; cf.
E. E. Herzfeld, Iran in the Ancient East (London: Oxford University Press, 1941) 226. See
more popularly E. F. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis and Other Discoveries in the Home-
land of the Achaemenians (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939).
            3. Schmidt, Persepolis 140.

42                      Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

            In 1935, when E. F. Schmidt had succeeded Herzfeld as director,

work was begun on the Treasury, and here in 1936 a further, though

much smaller, group of tablets was found in Room 33.⁴ Finally, prin-

cipally in Hall 38 of the Treasury, a number of (probably) ritual

objects, such as pestles, mortars and plates, were discovered. Made of

a hard green stone known as (impure) chert, and usually highly pol-

ished, many of these objects were found to have Aramaic inscriptions

written on them.⁵

            Although the three groups of texts, and especially the fortifica-

tion and treasury tablets, share a number of points in common, it is

important to distinguish carefully their individual characteristics.

            Most obviously distinctive is the small group of about 200 texts in

Aramaic (not all legible). Cameron was the first to study these texts,

and he came to the conclusion that they referred to the delivery of the

objects on which they were written at Persepolis.⁶ Bowman, however,

to whom was entrusted the publication of the material, rejected this

conclusion in favor of the view that they described the objects' use in

the religious haoma ceremony. Subsequent study has vindicated Cam-

eron's basic approach,⁷ so that although several differences of opinion,

to say nothing of a number of obscurities, remain in the realm of

            4. Ibid. 4 and 173-74; see also N. Cahill, "The Treasury at Persepolis : Gift-Giving
at the City of the Persians," AJA 89 (1985) 373-89. Aspects of Cahill's interpretation of
the treasury's function have been challenged by C. Tuplin ("The Administration of the
Achaemenid Empire," in I. Carradice [ed.], Coinage and Administration in the Athenian and
Persian Empires [BAR International Series 343; Oxford : B.A.R., 1987] 109-66, esp. 139).
            5. Schmidt, Persepolis I 181ff.; E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis II. Contents of the Treasury
and Other Discoveries (The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications 69; Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1957) 53-56.
            6. Cf. G. G. Cameron in Schmidt, Persepolis II 55.
            7. For reviews that support this, see especially J. B. Segal, BSOAS 35 (1972) 354-55;
Ph. Gignoux, RHR 181 (1972) 86-87; J. R. Hinnells, "Religion at Persepolis ," Religion 3 .
(1973) 157-60; R. Degen, BibOr 31 (1974) 124-27; for studies, see P. Bernard, "Les
mortiers et pilons inscrits de Persépolis," Studia Iranica 1 (1972) 165-76; B. A. Levine,
"Aramaic Texts from Persepolis ," JAOS 92 (1972) 70-79; W. Hinz , Neue Wege im Altper-
sischen (Gottinger Orientforschungen III/1; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1973) 43-52;
J. Naveh and Sh. Shaked, "Ritual Texts or Treasury Documents?" Orientalia ns 42 (1973)
445-57; J. A. Delaunay, "À propos des 'Aramaic Ritual Texts from Persepolis' de R. A.
Bowman," Acta Iranica 2 (1974) 193-217; I. Gershevitch, "An Iranianist's View of the
Soma Controversy," in Ph. Gignoux and A. Tafazzoli (eds.), Mémorial Jean de Menasce
(Louvain: Imprimerie Orientaliste, 1974) 45-75, especially 52-54 and 69-71; W. Hinz,
"Zu den Mörsern and Stösseln aus Persepolis ," Acta Iranica 4 (1974) 371-85; K. Kami-
oka, "Philological Observations on the Aramaic Texts from Persepolis ," Orient 11 (1975)
45-66; W. Vogelsang, "Early Historical Arachosia in South-East Afghanistan ," Iranica
Antigua 20 (1985) 55-99, esp. 82-86). I regret that M. N. Bogoljubov, "Aramejskie nadpisi
ne ritual 'nyh predmetah iz Persepolja," Izvestija Akademii Nauk SSSR, Serija Literatury i
Jazyka 32 (1973) 172-77, is not accessible to me.

                      WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                         43

detail, the general approach that should be taken to these texts is now

agreed. For instance, instead of Bowman's translation of text no. 18:

        )ngs Krtm dyl )tryb Krsb   1) In the ritual of the fortress,
                                                                           beside Mithraka the segan,

    /br hnz rxs db( / t#pgb            2) I Bago-paušta used this plate, a
                                                                            large one,

   tddzm Mdq )rbzng tpg [b dyl]    3) [beside Ba]ga-pāta the treasurer
                                                                            (and) before Mazda-data

/// /// ///  ytn# rk#) )rbzngp)          4) the sub-treasurer. 'škr of year 19

we should probably translate along the lines:

            1) In the fortress of Sāruka,⁸ (which is) under the authority of⁹ Mithraka
                the prefect,¹⁰

            2) I Bago-paušta handed over¹¹ this plate, a large one,

            3) under the authority of/to (or 'made for') Baga-pāta the treasurer in the
                presence of Mazda-dāta

            4) the sub-treasurer (as) tribute/a gift¹² of year 19.

            The texts are dated to the years 479/78-436/35 B.C. or perhaps a

little later, during the reigns of Xerxes and Artaxerxes I, so that they

overlap with the work of Ezra and Nehemiah on a traditional dating.

            8. Three words with the preposition b stand in this initial position: prkn, srk, and
hst. Bowman related them to his ritual interpretation (e.g., prkn = "(haoma)-crushing
ceremony"), but others all find an indication of place, as suggested by comparable for-
mulae with b ... byrt') in other texts (so frequently, inter alia, in AP and BMAP; the most
recent example is reported to be in the as yet unpublished Samaria Papyri 4:1, where
bšmryn byrt'  stands in an equivalent position to bšmryn qryt' at 14:1; this shows that
"fortress" is not a fully satisfactory translation of byrt'; cf. F. M. Cross, "Samaria Papyrus
1: An Aramaic Slave Conveyance of 335 B.C.E. found in the Wâdi ed-Dâliyeh," EI [1985]
7*-17* [11* with nn 9 and 10]); A. Lemaire and H. Lozachmeur, "Birah/birta' en
araméen," Syria 64 (1987) 261-66. Whereas Levine, Gershevitch and Delaunay argue
that reference is to rooms within the palace or treasury, Bernard and especially Hinz
("Zu den Mörsern") have advanced strong arguments for finding here three place
names in the eastern part of the empire known as Arachosia, itself mentioned several
times in these texts (e.g., 9:4; 13:4; 19:4; 43:6). It will have been in this region that the ob-
jects were made before being sent to Persepolis . Kamioka's compromise suggestion, that
these are place names in the vicinity of Persepolis ("Philological Observations" 60-61)
has nothing to commend it.
            9. For this meaning of lyd, cf. AD iv 1.
            10. The plural is familiar from Dan 2:48; 3:2, 3, 27; 6:8. In Bowman 2:2, rb' has
apparently been added secondarily after sgn', making an interesting parallel with
Dan 2:48.
            11. Or "made," Aram . 'bd. Uncertainty over the precise significance of these texts
remains because of the double use of lyd. Both occurrences could mean "under the
authority of," or the second might mean more simply "to" or "for."
            12. Bowman thought that 'škr meant "intoxicant," though he regularly left it un-
translated. For the now generally accepted association with Akkadian iškaru, either as
"finished products, staples, or material to be delivered" or as some kind of tax (CAD 7,
244-49), cf. Levine 78, and for criticism of Bowman in this regard, cf. Kamioka 52-54.

44                    Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

            By far the largest group of texts, of which over two thousand have

been published to date,¹³ are the so-called fortification tablets, which

date from the earlier period of 509-494 B.C. Being written in Elamite,¹⁴

they are by no means perfectly understood, but the number of them,

together with the degree of overlap between one text and another,

means that there is no doubt about the general situation. For the most

part they record receipts or payments in kind for a variety of pur-

poses. Their discovery in the 'fortifications' of Persepolis is an explica-

ble accident of history¹⁵ which has no bearing on the fact that they

give us a direct insight into various aspects of administration at one of

the Achaemenid capital cities.

            The situation with regard to the treasury tablets is not dissimilar.

Published in a variety of works by G. G. Cameron,¹⁶ they date from

            13. Cf. PFT and PFa; it appears from PFT (1) that there are over three and a half
thousand tablets in all. It should also be noted that an unspecified number of texts in
Aramaic from the same source remain unpublished. For introductory studies, cf. R. T.
Hallock ("The Evidence of the Persepolis Tablets," CHI 588-609); J. M. Cook (The Persian
Empire [ London : J. M. Dent & Sons, 1983] 85-90); D. M. Lewis ("Postscript," in A. R.
Burn , Persia and the Greeks: the Defence of the West, c. 546-478 B.C. [ London : Duckworth,
1984²] 587-609). For a major effort to integrate the evidence from these texts with that of
other sources relating to the geographical divisions and tribute of the empire, cf. Tuplin
("The Administration of the Achaemenid Empire"), and for historical geography cf
W. M. Sumner ("Achaemenid Settlement in the Persepolis Plain," AJA 90 [1986] 3-31).
            14. I freely admit to knowing no Elamite; this aspect of the present study is based
on the translations of Hallock and Cameron, together with the published comments of
the few other specialists in that field. The linguistic position is probably in any case com-
plicated by the peculiar circumstances of having Elamite scribes to record business
which was basically conducted in Old Persian; cf. I. Gershevitch, "The Alloglottography
of Old Persian," TPS (1979) 114-90.
            15. Schmidt linked the dates of the tablets with the phases in the development of
the building of the treasury ( Persepolis 1 41-42). He believed that the original treasury
was completed at about the time when the series of fortification tablets begins, so that it
cannot be deduced that there were no administrative texts, since lost, at an earlier time.
Later, the treasury was twice expanded, the date of the first of these expansions coincid-
ing with the break between the fortification and the treasury tablets. "We believe that
the fortification tablets had been removed—sometime after 494/93 B.C.—from their
original archives to be stored (or discarded) in rooms of the fortification" (41). He fur-
ther argued that the cessation of the treasury tablets indicated another change in the lo-
cation of the administration, though others have argued that at that time the scribes
went over to making their records (presumably in Aramaic) on perishable material; cf.
W. Hinz, "Zu den Persepolis-Tafelchen," ZDMG N.F. 35 (1961) 236-51. R. T. Hallock 4
further believes that the use of Aramaic on perishable material accounts for the many
gaps in even what we do have of the archive ("The Persepolis Fortification Archive,"
Orientalia ns 42 [1973] 320-23).
            16. PTT; see also G. G. Cameron, "Persepolis Treasury Tablets Old and New,"
JNES 17 (1958) 161-76; "New Tablets from the Persepolis Treasury," JNES 24 (1965
167-92.

                     WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                       45

492-458 B.C. The chief difference from the fortification tablets is that

payments are now made in cash rather than in kind.

            So far as I can tell, this wealth of material has largely been

ignored by biblical scholars, and even occasional references that may

be found in commentaries¹⁷ hardly do justice to their potential. In

what follows I cannot, of course, attempt fully to remedy this situa-

tion. The most I can set out to achieve is to draw attention to the rele-

vance and scope of this material, in the hope that others with the

necessary linguistic skills may be able later to refine what will, I fear,

be seen in retrospect as a very crude comparison.¹⁸

            Towards the conclusion of my 1987 Tyndale Biblical Archaeology

Lecture,¹⁹ I made a start on this comparison by suggesting six ways in

which the Persepolis material could help forward our understanding

of Neh 5:14-19. I shall not repeat that discussion here, but will pro-

vide rather an introduction to three more general topics—language,

religion, and travel—while emphasizing once more that this is far

from an exhaustive survey.

 
1) Language

  We may begin by noting, then, that despite the geographical distance

which separates Arachosia from Judah , there are several points of

contact between the language of the Aramaic texts from Persepolis

and that of Ezra and Nehemiah. This is due, of course, to the fact that

both reflect the current language of Persian administration, and to

that extent little is added to what was already known or strongly sur-

mised from other sources. Thus, for instance, we have the regular

opening of the texts with b + place name + byrt', "in the fortress of X,"

            17. E.g., R. A. Bowman, IB 3, 613; J. M. Myers, Ezra, Nehemiah (AB 14; Garden City:
Doubleday, 1965) 43, 51, referring quite reasonably to the association attested between
archives and treasury (Ezra 5:17; 6:1). On this, see now J. C. Greenfield, "Aspects of Ar-
chives in the Achaemenid Period," in K. R. Veenhof (ed.), Cuneiform Archives and Librar-
ies (Leiden: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut to Istanbul, 1986) 289-95.
           18. The comments of D. M. Lewis in his pioneering work on bringing this material
to the attention of classicists are appropriate in our context too; he writes of the new evi-
dence that "although it seldom bears directly on the points which principally concern
us, (it) nevertheless sometimes suggests new approaches," Sparta and Persia ( Cincinnati
Classical Studies, ns 1; Leiden : E. J. Brill, 1977) 3.
            19. "The Governors of Judah under the Persians," TynB 39 (1988) 59-82. To the lit-
erature cited there, there should now be added Tuplin, "The Administration of the
Achaemenid Empire," and D. M. Lewis, "The King's Dinner (Polyaenus IV 3,32)," in
H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg and A. Kuhrt (eds.), Achaemenid History II. The Greek Sources.
Proceedings of the Groningen 1984 Achaemenid History Workshop ( Leiden : Nederlands Insti-
tuut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1987) 79-87.

46                    Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

to set alongside b^e'ahm^eta' bîrta' of Ezra 6:220 and the Hebrew b^ešûšan

habbîra of Neh 1:1; the official title gnzbr',²¹ "the treasurer," to com-

pare with Hebrew haggizbār at Ezra 1:8 and the Aramaic plural gizzab-

rayyā' at Ezra 7:21; the use of the anarthrous kl in the summary of a

list,²² which may help explain the unusual Hebrew kol-kēlîm at Ezra

1:11;²³ and the use of PN + šmh (literally, "his name") to mean "a man

named PN," exactly like šēšbassar š^emēh at Ezra 5:14.²⁴

            Although we should not, therefore, expect any major new

advance of understanding in this area, there are nevertheless a few

matters, of which we will here consider three examples, concerning

which our texts can add clarification.²⁵ To take first the idiom just

referred to, Clines has observed that it "is found regularly in contem-

porary papyri in reference to slaves," from which he concludes that

"the possibility must be considered that he (Sheshbazzar) was a high-

ranking Babylonian official of slave status."²⁶ Hinz, however, has

made out a strong case for the suggestion that those so designated in

the Persepolis texts were wealthy nobles in the area of the three

named fortresses who regarded it as a privilege to supply the vessels

              20. For the omission of b before byrt' as a dittograph, cf. W. Rudolph, Esra und
Nehemia (HAT; Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1949) 54.
            21. A loan-word from Old Persian ganzabara, not previously attested in Aramaic
with retention of the nun, but cf. Late Babylonian ganzabaru; CAD 5, 43.
            22. Misunderstood as a proper name by Bowman at 94:3 and 95:3; see rather Segal
354; Naveh and Shaked 453; and Hinz, "Zu den Mörsern" 378. One should compare the
regular use of PAP, "total," to similar effect in many of the Elamite texts.
            23. For the suggestion that the inventory and its heading in Ezra 1:7-11 are based
on an Aramaic original, see my Ezra, Nehemiah (WBC 16; Waco: Word Books, 1985) 7.
            24. Both Persian and Akkadian origins can be proposed for this idiom; cf. Bowman,
p. 66, and Delaunay 206f. It was already misunderstood by the Greek versions as well as
by some more modern commentators; cf. L. W. Batten, The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah
(ICC; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1913) 140: "its omission seems necessary," an opinion
still tentatively favored by A. H. J. Gunneweg, Esra (KAT; Gütersloh: Gütersloher Ver-
lagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1985) 100. Dr. W. Horbury has suggested to me that šĕmô in Zech
6:12 may be an example of the use of the same idiom in Hebrew.
            25. For some examples of refinements to, or support for, views already held about,
for instance, "'uššarnā' (Ezra 5:3, 9), š^etar bôz^enay (Ezra 5:3; 6:6), ništ^ewān (Ezra 4:7; 7:11),
and especially tiršātā') (Ezra 2:63; Neh 7:65, 69; 8:9; 10:2), cf. Hinz, Neue Wege im Altper-
sischen 39-45.
            26. D. J. A. Clines, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther (NCB; Grand Rapids : Eerdmans, and Lon-
don: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1984) 87, citing AP 28:4; BMAP 5:2, 4; 8:3; AD 5:2-3; 8:1;
9:1. Without reference to the case of Sheshbazzar, this explanation of the idiom's signifi-
cance had already been advanced by Kraeling, BMAP (145, 208). The idiom is attested
most recently in J. B. Segal, Aramaic Texts from North Saqqâra ( London : Egypt Exploration
Society, 1983) 5:1; 9:3; 17:1; 29:3, 6; 55a:4; 60:4; 63:2, 3; and in the Samaria Papyrus 1:2 (cf.
Cross, "Samaria Papyrus I") and in a reconstructed part of papyrus 2; cf. F. M. Cross, "A
Report on the Samaria Papyri," SVT 40 (1988) 17-26.

                    WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                         47

needed for the periodic festival at Persepolis.²⁷ If he is right, then, of

course, no deductions can be drawn from the use of this idiom about

the social status of the individuals concerned.²⁸ We might surmise

that it was used rather in cases where the individual was unknown

personally to the recipient of the document,²⁹ for in our texts it is

striking that it is only used in connection with the donors of the ves-

sels, whose names are hardly ever repeated, but never in connection

with the various officials, whose names recur frequently and who

would have been known to others in the state bureaucracy. This

would also, of course, readily explain its use with slaves—and with

Sheshbazzar in the context presupposed by Ezra 5:14.

            Second, light can be shed from these texts on the troublesome

'eben g^elāl referred to in connection with the building of the temple at

Ezra 5:8 and 6:4, and which has generally been translated into English

by "large stones" or the like.³⁰ A number of other translations have

been proposed, however, among which we may notice most recently

the suggestion that the reference is to cobble or rubble fill in connec-

tion with what is known as pier-and-rubble construction.³¹

            In something like a quarter of the Aramaic texts from Persepolis ,

the objects described are said to be zy gll, which Bowman translates

"of stone." In some cases, a further modifier is added, varying from

one text to another. Sometimes an adjective is used, and on other

occasions another noun joined by zy. The meaning of these words is

uncertain, but the suggestion that the first group refers to something

like coloring or patterning and the second to the type of stone seems

reasonable.

            27. Cf. Hinz, "Zu den Mörsern" 380: "adlige Herren und Grundbesitzer im Bezirk
der drei Festungen Parikāna, Sāruka und Hasta ...Vermutlich gehörte diese besondere
Abgabe zu den Ehrenpflichten jener iranischen Gutsbesitzer, die zugleich dem Reichs-
beer als Offiziere zu dienen hatten."
            28. In fact, Clines's theory might already have been found questionable in light of,
for instance, AP 33.
            29. I have subsequently discovered that this suggestion has already been advanced
by E. Y. Kutscher ("New Aramaic Texts," Hebrew and Aramaic Studies [ Jerusalem : The
Magnes Press, 1977] 37-52, esp. 40, 45).
            30. AV, RV: "great stones"; RSV: "huge stones/great stones"; ASB: "huge stones";
NEB : "massive stones"; JB: "blocks of stone/stone blocks"; GNB: "large stone blocks";
but note now the JPS version, "hewn stone."
            31. Cf. L. E. Stager, "The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel ," BASOR 260
(1985) 1-35, esp. 13; for the method of construction, cf. E. Stern ("The Excavations at Tel
Mevorach and the Late Phoenician Elements in the Architecture of Palestine ," BASOR
225 [1977] 17-27, and Excavations at Tel Mevorakh (1973-1976) [Qedem 9; Jerusalem : The
Hebrew University , 1978] 71-75.

48                    Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

            On the basis of this material, together with the evidence collected

concerning Akkadian galālu for the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary,³²

Bowman wrote an article in 1965 arguing, inter alia, that (i) a distinc-

tion should be drawn between galālu (and some later Aramaic uses of

gll) meaning "pebble," "cobble," and the many passages in Akkadian

of the Persian period where such a meaning is inappropriate; he reck-

oned Ezra 5:8 and 6:4 among the latter; (ii) because of the variety of

objects described by gll (including stelae, pillars, window frames and

dishes), gll cannot refer to either the shape or type of stone: it "should

be translated simply as 'stone,' without further specification" (67); (iii)

the use of 'bn should be regarded as a determinative; whether or not

gll once had a more specific meaning, by the time of Ezra, with or

without the determinative 'bn, it simply meant "stone."³³

            Although Bowman's article is a helpful collection of material and

is certainly moving in the right direction, its conclusion nevertheless

raises two particular difficulties. First, Aramaic is not Akkadian, and

to speak of 'eben as "a determinative" is inappropriate. It is simply not

a usage that would have been recognized by Aramaic speaking Jews

in Judah . Whatever its history, the phrase must have meant something

more to them than just "stone," for which 'eben alone would have

sufficed. Secondly, Delaunay³⁴ has argued that "stone" is also inap-

propriate for gll in the Persepolis texts on the ground that it would be

superfluous, and even absurd, so to qualify certain vessels when in

fact they are all made of stone in any case. (It should be remembered,

however, that the Persians were obsessed with bureaucratic pedantry,

so that Delaunay's objection may not be so strong as at first appears.)

Delaunay thus returns to a proposal of Herzfeld³⁵ that, in accordance

with the root meaning of gll, the reference is to turning or polishing,

and so work that might attract extra remuneration.

            This suggestion seems to fit the varied uses of both gll and galālu,

and one may well imagine how it could come to be used without the

pedantically correct use of 'eben, "stone," with it; compare, for

instance, how we regularly speak of "hardback" and "paperback"

without thereby implying that either is the exact equivalent of

"book." Bowman seems to have fallen into the trap of asserting that

              32. CAD 5, 11.
            33. R. A. Bowman, "llFg@; NbE)E—aban galâlu (Ezra 5:8; 6:4)," in I. T. Naamani and
D. Rudaysky (eds.), Dōrōn. Hebraic Studies. Essays in Honor of Professor Abraham I. Katsh
( New York : The National Association of Professors of Hebrew in American Institutions
of Higher Learning, 1965) 64-74; see also Aramaic Ritual Texts 44-45; IB 3, 610.
            34. Delaunay, "A propos" 204f.
            35. Delaunay refers only to the citation of Herzfeld's views apud Schmidt, Persepo-
lis II 55, n 68; cf. E. Herzfeld , Altpersische Inschriften (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1938) 100.

                WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                              49

"all gll is 'bn, therefore all 'bn is gll." Thus "dressed/hewn/polished

stone" seems appropriate for the Biblical occurrences.

            A final line of support for this understanding may come from an

Aramaic gloss on one of the fortification tablets. PFT 1587 is translated

by Hallock, "185 (BAR of) grain, supplied by Hatarbanus, Ramakka

received. It was taken (to) Persepolis (for) rations of makers of stone

(sculptures). Second month, . . . th year." The Aramaic gloss reads rmk

ybl prs ptp lnqry gll, and is translated (apparently by Bowman; cf. PFT

p. 82) "Ramakka brought (it to) Persepolis , (for) rations of diggers of

stone." The Elamite text, however, as Hallock's bracketed explanation

suggests, implies something more than just quarrymen, for which

other terms are used (cf. PTT 9); the word in question translated

"makers" is elsewhere used with such other finished products as wine

and oil. The Aramaic translation nqr can reasonably fit with this, for

although in all the cognate languages the root can have the meaning

"to quarry, bore,"³⁶ it is also used, both in Aramaic and Akkadian, for

carving stone or the like. Indeed, when it is thought by Bowman to

occur in a very damaged text on one of his mortars (no. 160), he trans-

lates "chiseled(?)," and comments, "The word nqwr may be from the

root nqr meaning 'to chisel,' 'to shape stones by chiseling,' 'to whet a

millstone.'"³⁷ It may be suggested that here again the evidence is best

explained if gll means not just "stone," but stone that has been

worked in some particular manner.

            A final area where our texts may help towards a better under-

standing of the vocabulary of Ezra and Nehemiah derives, strangely

enough, not from the Aramaic texts at all, but the Elamite.³⁸ Not

infrequently in the records of payments in kind to some individual,

there is reference also to what Hallock translates as his "boys" (puhu);

for instance, we are told concerning Parnaka, a well-known senior

official, that "Daily (by) Parnaka together with his boys 48 BAR is

received. (By) Parnaka himself 18 BAR is received. (By) his 300 boys 1

QA each is received."³⁹  There is a good deal of evidence, however, that

"boy" is a reference to status rather than age. For instance, though

            36. Cf. CAD 11, 329-32; BDB 669; Payne Smith 352.
            37. Aramaic Ritual Texts 185, with reference to M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targu-
mim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushahmi, and the Midrashic Literature ( New York and Berlin :
1926) 935a.
            38. A further potential example from this source is unfortunately inconclusive in
the present state of knowledge. Elamite baribara (PFT 107:7; 161:7-8; 586:3-4 and 995:3-
4) probably represents Old Persian *paribāra, whence the enigmatic Hebrew loan-word
parbār/parwār (2 Kgs 23:11; 1 Chr 26:18). However, the meaning of baribāra is disputed; cf.
I. Gershevitch in Hallock, PFT p. 675, and W. Hinz , Orientalia ns 39 (1970) 436.
            39. PFa 4, lines 8-16. 10 QA = 1 BAR, 1 QA being roughly equivalent to a quart (cf.
PFT p. 72).

50                     Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

rations vary, theirs are often as much as an adult male,⁴⁰ they receive

rations of wine, they do "men's" work, and occasionally are even

referred to in the same text as "men" (ruh).⁴¹ It thus looks as though

puhu has a similar semantic range as Hebrew na'ar in Nehemiah 4

and 5 (and 13:19; perhaps also at 6:5), where the ne‘ārîm are clearly a

group who owe particular and personal loyalty to Nehemiah (or who-

ever).⁴² And since it is clear from the Persepolis texts that their

rations or salary were a designated fraction of their master's, we may

perhaps understand better why, after complaining about the heavy

burdens that his predecessors as governor had laid upon the people in

terms of both cash and kind, Nehemiah adds, "Even their ne‘ārîm

lorded it over the people" (Neh 5:15).

  2) Support of local cults            

At Ezra 6:9-10 and 7:17-20 we are told that Darius I, and later Arta-

xerxes I, gave instructions that material support should be given by

the empire for the regular sacrifices in the Jerusalem temple. Earlier

skepticism about the likelihood of such support was countered most

effectively by de Vaux,⁴³ who was able to adduce several examples of

Achaemenid concern for the continuation of local cults, no doubt

partly in order that they might be able effectively to pray for "the life

of the king and his sons" (Ezra 6:10; cf. Jer 29:7; AP 30:25-26; and the

Cyrus Cylinder, ANET 316), and today most commentators accept

that there is little difficulty in principle with the biblical statement.⁴⁴

            40. Cf. PFT pp. 29-30 and R. T. Hallock, "A New Look at the Persepolis Treasury
Tablets," JNES 19 [1960] 90-100, esp. 93-94); for references, compare especially the
figures throughout PFT 847-994. In 1239-69, boys generally receive 1 QA, as do a horse-
man (1244, 1266-68), servants (1258, 1262, 1264 and 1265) and some others (1260).
            41. These last three points are all illustrated by PFT 1137; see also variously (as ex-
amples only) PTT 47, 58, 72 and 77; Hinz, Neue Wege im Altpersischen 72-74; H. Koch,
"Zu den Lohnverhältnissen der Dareioszeit in Persien," in H. Koch and D. N. Mackenzie
(eds.), Kunst, Kultur und Geschichte der Achämenidenzeit und ihr Fortleben ( Berlin : Dietrich
Reimer, 1983) 19-50, esp. 21.
            42. For discussion of na‘ar with further bibliography, cf. my Ezra, Nehemiah 227-28,
and add L. E. Stager, BASOR 260 (1985) 25f.
            43. R. de Vaux, "Les decrets de Cyrus et de Darius sur la reconstruction du
temple," RB 46 (1937) 29-57 = "The Decrees of Cyrus and Darius on the Rebuilding of
the Temple ," The Bible and the Ancient Near East ( London : Darton, Longman & Todd,
1972) 63-96.
            44. Gunneweg emphatically rejects the authenticity of the documents in Ezra 6 and
7, but nevertheless adds with regard to 6:10: "Daß tatsächlich—in der historischen Fak-
tizität—die persische Zentralregierung die Wiederherstellung von Tempel und Kult
gestattete und anordnete, ist damit nicht bestritten, das ist vielmehr als sehr wahr-
scheinlich anzusehen" (110).

                   WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                     51

            The Persepolis fortification tablets lend strong support to this

conclusion and illuminate some of the practicalities involved. PFT 303,

336-77 and 2029-30 record delivery of various goods for use in the

service of a number of different named and unnamed gods; for

example, "7 (BAR of) grain, supplied by Bakamira, Anbaduš received,

and utilized (it) for (the god) Humban. 22nd year" (PFT 340). Within

the region covered by these texts, the following are some of the gods

mentioned: Ahuramazda, Humban, Mišduši, Mithra, Šimut, Pirdaka-

miya, Turma, Mariraš, Narišanka and Adad.⁴⁵ Here we have Persian,

Elamite and Babylonian gods all being honored by their separate

devotees within a circumscribed area, and all being supported equally

by funds from the imperial treasury.⁴⁶ Viewed in this light, the addi-

tion of another god to whatever list may have been supported by the

treasury of "Beyond the River," specifying the quantities to be sup-

plied, need have surprised nobody.

            The commodities listed as being supplied for the gods are grain,

wine, flour, beer and tarmu grain, which at first sight overlaps only

very partially with the biblical lists. Quite apart from the fact that

naturally the needs of the individual cults concerned will have had to

be considered, there are other reasons why this dissimilarity need not

worry us unduly; to appreciate this, however, each piece of evidence

needs to be considered in its chronological and religious context.

First in time comes Darius's order that "whatever is needed—

young bulls, rams, or sheep for burnt offerings to the God of heaven,

wheat, salt, wine or oil, as the priests at Jerusalem require—let that be

given to them . . . " (Ezra 6:9). As noted, there is no direct parallel for

this, because it is so much earlier than our other sources, but in prin-

ciple it is not unreasonable in the light of what we have already seen.

            Second come the fortification tablets, and here it is of interest to

observe that the grain rations could quite openly be used for the pur-

chase of sheep for sacrifice. For instance:  

     80 (BAR of) grain, supplied by Mamannuwiš, Ururu the priest received
     and delivered, and in its stead he received 8 sheep, and utilized (them)
     for the gods.

            45. For a fuller list with discussion, cf. H. Koch, Die religiösen Verhältnisse der
Dareioszeit. Untersuchungen an Hand der elamischen Persepolistäfelchen (Göttinger Orient-
forschungen 111/4; Wiesbaden : Otto Harrassowitz, 1977), and "Zur Religion der Acha-
meniden," ZAW 100 (1988) 393-405. Koch also includes among the Babylonian gods the
Sumerian KI, "the earth," but this seems more likely to be an ideogram for the Elamite
earth-god.
            46. Cf. M. Dandamaev, "La politique religieuse des Achemenides," Acta Iranica 4
(1975) 193-200, and P. Briant, Rois, Tributs et Paysans (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1982) 225,
n 398a.

52                 Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

     2 sheep for (the god) Adad, 2 sheep for the shrine (?), 2 sheep for (the
     place) Tikrakkaš, 2 sheep for (the place) Hapidanuš, total 8 yearling
     sheep, were issued (at) the granary (?) (PFT 352; cf. 362-64 and 2030).

            A possible reason for this cumbersome procedure is suggested by

Hinz,⁴⁷ who sees in it a somewhat artificial means whereby a Zoroas-

trian, who of course could not accept animal sacrifice in any shape,⁴⁸

was nevertheless able to support a cult in which such sacrifice was

normal. The date at which, if at all, or to what extent, the Achae-

menids embraced Zoroastrianism, is a highly contentious issue,⁴⁹ but a

move in that direction between the early years of Darius I and the

period of the fortification tablets is not unreasonable, and could

explain the difference between them and Ezra 6. Alternatively, grain

may simply have been used as the basic unit of currency in the trea-

sury, with the system of reckoning up for animals in terms of grain in

place from the start, in which case there is no real development to be

detected between the two periods.

            Next in order come the treasury tablets which, while not dealing

directly with support for local cults, are relevant here because of their

testimony that for a number of years up until the time of Ezra pay-

ment in kind was being supplemented, if not replaced, by payment in

silver in the imperial treasuries.⁵⁰ And this, then, leads straight back,

fourthly, to the text of Ezra 7:15-20, where Ezra is given cash to

enable him to buy both animals and other materials for the sacrificial

cult. The different manner in which these grants were paid to the Jews

by Darius and Artaxerxes is thus neatly explained by factors which

we could only have learned about from the two collections of Elamite

texts from Persepolis which come in between.

            Four other smaller matters also deserve mention here. First, sev-

eral of these texts specify a particular ceremony for which the supply

is made; for instance, "3 marriš (of) wine, supplied by Parsauka, Mar-

donius the priest received, and (utilized it for) the divine tamšiyam

(ceremony) of (the god) Humban. (At) Uratukaš. 23rd year" (PFT 348).

            47. W. Hinz, "Die elamischen Buchungstäfelchen der Darius-Zeit," Orientalia ns 39
(1970) 421-40, esp. 427-30.
            48. As is well known, this is often advanced as the explanation for the omission (if
not indeed deletion; cf. B. Porten, "Aramaic Papyri and Parchments: A New Look," BA
42 [1979] 74-104, esp. 99) of w‘lwh, "and burnt offering," from AP 32:9 by comparison
with 30:25 (and see also 33:10-11), but other explanations are possible.
            49. For a recent survey, cf. M. Schwartz, "The Religion of Achaemenian Iran ," CHI
664-97, with further bibliography on pp. 916-18; see also H. Koch, "Zur Religion der
Achämeniden."
            50. Though apparently resort was made to this mode of payment particularly in
times of shortage, such as in 467-466 B.C., treasury payments of this kind are attested as
late as 458 B.C., the probable year of Ezra's commission; cf. R. T. Hallock, "A New Look"
91.

                     WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                           53

The meaning of tamšiyam is uncertain, but Hallock himself favors the

suggestion of I. Gershevitch, which he reports as follows: "it is to be

connected with Av. zaoša-, 'pleasure.' Thus it would represent OP

*daušiyam, a neuter adjective used as a substantive, meaning 'what

serves for satisfaction, propitiatory offering'" (19). If this is so, then

one may more readily understand how so very "Jewish" a word as

nyhwhyn, "pleasing sacrifices, soothing offerings," could be included

in Darius's decree at Ezra 6:10.⁵¹ It is generally believed that Jewish

scribes would have had a hand in drafting such a document.⁵² It was

a happy coincidence for them that they could pass off one of their

most technical items of cultic vocabulary as though it were the Ara-

maic equivalent of a ceremony better known in Achaemenid circles.

            Second, PFT 741-74 record rations paid to individuals who exer-

cised religious functions, for instance: "12 (marriš of) wine, supplied

by Miššabadda, Harima received (for) performing (?) the lan (cere-

mony at) Harbus. It was given to him as rations by the king, (for) a

whole year. 23rd year" (PFT 753).⁵³ This may be set alongside Ezra

7:24, where Artaxerxes orders the treasurers in Beyond the River: "Be

it further known to you that you have no authority to impose tribute,

tax, or dues upon any of the priests and Levites, the musicians, gate-

keepers, temple servants, or (other) servants of this house of God."

The specific mention of support for officially recognized cultic officials

is thus common to both contexts, and this further undermines Wein-

berg's attempt to argue that the community as a whole was exempt

from tax.⁵⁴

            Third, most of these rations to individuals engaged in religious

functions are given for a specified period, as in the text just cited, and

as in this further typical example: "12 marriš (of) wine, supplied by

Parnizza, Kurka the Magus, the lan performer (?) (at) Marsaškaš,

received (for) the libation of the lan (ceremony). From the sixth month

through the fifth month, total 12 months, (starting in?) the 17th year"

(PFT 757). The time involved in the grants recorded in Ezra is not

specified, but on the basis of the quantities involved the suggestion

has been advanced that the allowance at Ezra 7:22 was intended to

            51. Contrast the doubts expressed by, for instance, C. C. Torrey (The Composition
and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah [BZAW 2; Giessen : J. Ricker'sche Buchhandlung,
1896] 10, and Ezra Studies [ Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1910] 158, 194).
            52. Cf. P. Frei, "Zentralgewalt und Lokalautonomie im Achämenidenreich," in
P. Frei and K. Koch, Reichsidee und Reichsorganisation im Perserreich (OBO 55; Freiburg :
Universitätsverlag, and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck Ruprecht, 1984) 7-43.
            53. The significance of the lan ceremony is discussed by H. Koch ("Zur Religion der
Achämeniden").
            54. J. P. Weinberg, "N^etînîm und "Söhne der Sklaven Salomos" im 6.-4. Jh. v. u. Z.,"
ZAW 87 (1975) 355-71, esp. 367-68.

54                   Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

last for two years.⁵⁵ Some such limitation certainly seems plausible in

the light of our texts.

            Finally, alongside Ezra 6:9, in which it is stated that the necessary

supplies are to be given them "day by day," a phrase often attributed

to the Chronicler, it is worth setting a text such as PFT 748, where

concerning the allocation of a ration of beer for the lan ceremony we

are told, "(For) a period of 12 months he received (for) 1 month 3 mar-

riš. Daily he receives 1 QA" (lines 7-11). It was clearly not unusual for

an allowance to be made for an extended period but for it to be

released on a day-by-day basis.

3) Travel and Transportation

There are several accounts in Ezra and Nehemiah of journeys between

Babylon and Jerusalem , included in which there is reference to the

transportation of specified items for the temple or city. Ezra 1:7-11

includes an inventory of the temple vessels, and concludes, "all these

did Sheshbazzar bring up, when they of the captivity were brought up

from Babylon to Jerusalem ." Ezra 8 comprises a fuller account of Ezra's

journey, again with a list of valuable items transported, but this time

with the details of the accounting procedures at both the start and the

conclusion of the journey. Finally, in Nehemiah 2 we are told how

Nehemiah traveled with a smaller party from Susa to Jerusalem carry-

ing letters to various officials requesting both a safe conduct on the

journey and materials for rebuilding after his arrival. Although a num-

ber of other such journeys are mentioned or presupposed by the nar-

rative,⁵⁶ these three provide the most detail for comparative purposes.

            The texts from Persepolis contain a great deal of information

which can be treated as background against which to read these vari-

ous accounts. Because they are not narrative documents, it is necessary

to combine information from different groups of texts in order to build

up a composite whole. There is admittedly a danger of misrepresenta-

tion in this procedure, but this is partly offset by the number of texts at

our disposal which helps to develop a reasonably rounded picture.

            The first point to be made is the simple observation that without

question the Achaemenid bureaucracy went to enormous lengths to

record carefully all manner of payments and receipts at the central

            55. Cf. Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia 75, citing A. Bertholet, Theologie des AT II (1911)
30 (not available to me).
            56. For instance, it is generally supposed that there was more than a single journey
of return during the period 538-520 B.C.; Ezra 4:6, 7 and 8-23 refer to three exchanges of
letters between Beyond the River and the court, while Ezra 5-6 includes details of a fur-
ther similar exchange. Nehemiah 13:6-7 refers to a further journey in each direction by
Nehemiah.

                 WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                                   55

treasuries. Hallock's A texts (PFT 1-57), for instance, record details of

the transport of commodities in the sense of how they were taken

away from a given center; they are thus comparable to a receipt by the

bearer; for example, "22 (BAR of) barley loaves (?), supplied by Baka-

bada, was taken to Persepolis for the (royal) stores. 24th year" (PFT 3).

The B texts (PFT 58-137), on the other hand, record how commodities

were delivered to a given center; they are thus comparable to a receipt

by the recipient to the bearer. As a brief example, "22 (BAR of) tarmu

(grain) Sunkišip took, and delivered (it at) Tandari. Hapikra received

(it). 24th year" (PFT 114). Other collections of texts deal with tax

receipts and other deposits, payments of salaries and making provi-

sion for special officials and for royal occasions, payments of allow-

ances to mothers who have just had babies, travel rations and the like.

            These texts were not just receipts, however, but were clearly used

as part of a broader accounting procedure. One group of texts (PFT

233-58) is accounting balances, noting the total amount that was

being "carried forward as balance," and sometimes a note of the date

on which the calculation was made; for instance, "9,502 (BAR of) grain

has been carried forward (as) balance, entrusted to Bakasušta, (at)

Liduma. In the 22nd year, twelfth month, the accounting was done"

(PFT 240). Finally, in PFT 1961-2014 there are longer and more elabo-

rate accounting texts itemizing payments and receipts and balances

brought or carried forward. The treasury texts too, though somewhat

different in nature, demonstrate not dissimilar concerns, while the

Aramaic texts remind us that sometimes special items which had been

supplied (under whatever circumstances and for whatever purpose)

could be individually marked with all necessary detail.⁵⁷

            In this context, it should come as no surprise to find the detailed

care attested in the biblical texts enumerated above regarding proce-

dures of payments and receipt. To Sheshbazzar an itemized list was

brought out and counted over by the treasurer (Ezra 1:8), while in

Ezra's case the items were first weighed out by Ezra to specified indi-

viduals (8:25-27) who then in turn weighed them out to other officials

on their arrival in Jerusalem ;⁵⁸ "everything was checked by number

and by weight and the total weight was recorded in writing" (Ezra

            57. It is tempting here to compare the "two vessels of brightly gleaming copper as
precious as gold" of Ezra 8:27. We should note that in the Aramaic texts the size is often
mentioned, and occasionally even the measurements, reading lpty 'sb‘n X ("x finger-
breadths wide") at 43:4; 73:5; 114:3, with Degen 126, Naveh and Shaked 455, Hinz ("Zu
den Mörsern" 385) et al., against Bowman's original idea that these words indicate the
value of the vessel (which would then have been comparable with Ezra 8:26).
            58. PFT 388 provides a good parallel to this record of accounting both before and
after transportation: "130 (BAR of) ŠE.GIG.lg (grain), supplied by Bakubeša, Teispes re-
ceived, and took (it to the place) Zila-Umpan. Tiriya received (it), and utilized (it) for
the royal food supply (?). 19th year."

56                     Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

8:34). Indeed, by now we should have learned from Persepolis to

expect nothing less.

            The formula used when noting such payments, attested at Ezra

1:8, has already been compared with AP 61, but a further point of

comparison comes now from the Aramaic texts at Persepolis . As was

seen above, there are at least two levels of authority involved with the

manufacture or delivery of the items in question, one introduced by

lyd,⁵⁹ the other by qdm. The latter is used only with the sub-treasurer

('pgnzbr'), and is probably to be understood as indicating that he was

personally present when the vessel was made/made over. The other

indicates only more generally under whose authority the work was

done. In Ezra 1:8, when we are told that Cyrus brought out the temple

vessels by the hand of Mithredath the treasurer who then counted

them out to Sheshbazzar, we should probably see a similar procedure,

Cyrus himself, of course, not being personally responsible for bringing

out the vessels.

            Despite all the care that went into these recording and accounting

procedures, mistakes were sometimes made. These usually involve a

mistake in the numbers concerned, the causes being anything from a

simple slip to more serious miscalculations in accountancy. For

example, at PFT 661 we seem to have a simple error of 6 for 8; at 855 a

slip in the list (23 for 32) has led to an error in the final total; at 864 the

total (228) is out by one in the tens unit, but in 1023 the total (88) is out

by one in the ones unit; in 1011 a figure in the body of the list is out by

a factor of one, but in 1028 by a factor of ten. Sometimes, it is possible

to trace how an error has arisen. At PFT 865 the scribe put only one

month's ration total instead of the three months that the account was

for; at 932 a line has been left out accidentally as the scribe's eye

jumped from one figure of 15 to the next (parablepsis); at 860 Hallock

tells us that an erasure left some signs undeleted even though the

scribe wrote his new text over the top—it is not difficult to imagine

that a later copyist, when drawing up a combined account, might

have been led into error as a consequence; PFT 259-66 involve large

quantities of wine together with some kind of fractional charge or

deduction. In his discussion Hallock (15) sets out the somewhat com-

plicated procedure by which this deduction is calculated, but even

then, when applying his results to the related account text 2006 two

errors of figures have additionally to be conjectured. Finally, an occa-

sional glimpse allows us to see why such miscalculations might have

occurred. PFT 77 reads:

            59. In fact this is used both with the prefect (sgn) and with the treasurer. It is not
clear whether the vessels were made "under the authority" of both these officials, or
whether in one case lyd should be translated rather as "(made over) to"; see above, n 11.

                         WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                          57

       12 "cowhides" of camels, 7 "cowhides" of yearling camels, 2 "cowhides"
       of camel calves (?), total 21 "cowhides," supplied by Takmašbada, Šan-
       dupirzana received. Included among these "cowhides" (were) 2 aššana.
       They were received (in) the ninth month, on the first day, 24th year.

It is not difficult to see how the two "included" items could be misun-

derstood as additional by a careless scribe.

            It has long bothered commentators that we are faced with errors

of similar kinds in some of the lists in Ezra and Nehemiah. For

example, there are differences between some of the figures in what

purports to be the same list in Ezra 2 and Nehemiah 7, and neither

there nor in Ezra 1:11 do the totals equal the sum of the parts. Not a

few of these discrepancies can be accounted for on the basis of the

system of numeral notation probably used at some stage in the trans-

mission of the text,⁶⁰ but that does not account for every case. It is

thus reassuring to find that the sources which may lie behind the bib-

lical text are no worse off than the products of the royal scribes and

accountants at Persepolis .

            A substantial group of over 300 of our texts (PFT 1285-1579;

2049-57; cf. 1780-87; 1942: 19-22; 1953: 34-35) deal with the provi-

sion of rations for travelers, and contain several matters of interest for

us. We learn of journeys by both small and large groups of workers

and others over shorter and longer distances. Kandahar , India , Ara-

chosia, Babylon , Sardis and Egypt , for instance, are all mentioned as

starting points or destinations. The rations referred to, however, are

generally only sufficient for a single day (1 or 1 1/2 QA of flour per per-

son), from which it has been not unreasonably deduced that there

must have been supply stations at single day's journey intervals along

the major routes of the empire.⁶¹

            The authorizing and accounting system appears to have operated

as follows: the leader of each group of travelers was given some kind

of document (of which more below) by the king or other senior

official, authorizing him to draw so much each day in the way of

rations from the supply stations. Each time he did this, a document

such as those that we have was drawn up by an official at the supply

station and sent to Persepolis . There, the commodities issued will have

been credited to the account of the supply station by debiting the

account of the official who had issued the authorizing document.⁶²

            There are two words for this kind of authorizing document: halmi

is usually translated "sealed document," and Cameron suggested that

            60. H. L. Allrik, "The Lists of Zerubbabel (Nehemiah 7 and Ezra 2) and the Hebrew
Numeral Notation," BASOR 136 (1954) 21-27.
            61. Cf. PFT 6, 40.
            62. Ibid., and Briant, Rois, Tributs et Paysans 208-9.

58                      Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

it might be a loan-word from Aramaic htm.⁶³ The other is miyatukkam,

which is thought to derive from Old Persian with some such meaning

as "authorisation,"⁶⁴ so that semantically the two words are not far

removed from each other. They seem to be used more or less inter-

changeably.

            Sadly, no example of such an authorizing document has survived

at Persepolis , partly, no doubt, because they would often have been

written in Aramaic on papyrus or parchment. It has been suggested

by Benveniste,⁶⁵ however, that AD 6 is just such a document, for in it

Arsames, the satrap of Egypt who is temporarily on leave back home

in Babylon , writes to various of his subordinates along the way to

Egypt , commanding them to provide daily rations for Nehtihur, his

officer. In Driver's translation, the first five lines read:

      From. Aram to Marduk the officer who is at ... , Nabû-dalâni the
      officer who is at La‘ir, Zātōhi the officer who is [at] 'Arzūhin, 'Upasta-
      bar the officer who is at Arbel, Halšu (?) and Māt-âl-Ubaš (?), Bagafarna
      the officer who is at Sa‘lan, Frādafarna and Gavazāna (?) the officers
      who are at Damascus .
            And now:—behold! one named Nehtihur, [my] officer, is going to
      Egypt .
            Do you give [him] (as) provisions from my estate in your provinces
      every day two measures of white meal, three measures of inferior
      meal, two measures of wine or beer, and one sheep, and for his servants,
      10 men, one measure of meal daily for each, (and) hay according to (the
      number of) his horses; and give provisions for two Cilicians (and) one
      craftsman, all three my servants who are going with him to Egypt , for
      each and every man daily one measure of meal; give them these provi-
      sions, each officer of you in turn, in accordance with (the stages of) his
      journey from province to province until he reaches Egypt . . . .

Clearly, some distinction needs to be drawn between this text and the

halmi of the Persepolis tablets on account of the fact that Arsames

refers only to his personal estates, not the more official supply stations,

but in general the comparison drawn by Benveniste seems apposite.

            Turning with these introductory remarks on the travel ration

texts to a comparison with the biblical data, several points stand out:

            63. Cameron, PTT p. 53, with justification for the phonetic shift involved; R. T. Hal-
lock, "New Light from Persepolis ," JNES 9 (1950) 237-52, esp. 247-48.
            64. PFT pp. 40, 733-34.
            65. E. Benveniste, "Notes sur les tablettes élamites de Persépolis," JA 246 (1958)
49-65, esp. 63-65; see also Lewis, Sparta and Persia 6.
            66. Hinz (Neue Wege im Altpersischen 40) proposes a Persian derivation for this
word with the meaning "fine."

                        WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                       59

            (1) Both Ezra (Ezra 8:36)⁶⁷ and Nehemiah (Neh 2:8-9) took with

them letters from the king authorizing the payment of certain grants

for their work. While these cannot be equated with the documents

carried by the travelers in the Persepolis tablets, since they do not

refer to supplies for the journey, they would doubtless have func-

tioned in exactly the same way. Indeed, it may be wondered whether

the unusual use of an Old Persian loan-word at Ezra 8:36 (dātê ham-

melek; in Hebrew elsewhere only in Esther) may not be intended pre-

cisely as the equivalent of miyatukkam.⁶⁸

            (2) In addition, Nehemiah requested that he be given letters

"addressed to the governors of Beyond the River so that they may

grant me a safe conduct until I reach Judah " (Neh 2:7). These too are

likely to have been recognizably in the same class as the halmi.

            (3) Ezra's letters are addressed "to all the treasurers of Beyond

the River" (Ezra 7:21). In the light of the administrative structures

probably to be deduced from the Aramaic texts considered above, we

may say that these are likely, strictly speaking, to have been "sub-

treasurers" ('pgnzbr'), who were actually responsible for making the

payments, and who operated under the authority of the treasurer of

the satrapy.⁶⁹ The plural '^ahašdarp^enê hammelek, "the royal satraps," at

Ezra 8:36, remains a puzzle, however.⁷⁰

            (4) According to the figures supplied in the biblical text, Ezra's

caravan will have numbered approximately 1,500 men, and we are

not told how many women and children accompanied them. Nehemi-

ah's group, of course, was much smaller, though he had an armed

escort with him. It is unlikely, in my opinion, that the list in Ezra 2 is

intended to describe a single caravan, but it is rather a summary of all

in the land by 520 B.C., including some who had not been in exile.⁷¹

We cannot, therefore, say anything about the size of the first parties

which returned.

            67. I have suggested at Ezra, Nehemiah 98 that the essential text of these "letters" is
included in Artaxerxes' edict at 7:21-24.
            68. Note the possible support for this semantic equivalent in the remarks of
I. Gershevitch, "miyatukkam 'authorization': *vy-ā-duga-, a neuter noun belonging to the
OP fem. han-duga- 'proclamation, declaration (or sim.)'?" "Iranian Nouns and Names in
Elamite Garb," TPS (1969) 165-200, esp. 177. Hinz, however, suggests that it represents
OP *viyātika, meaning "a pass," comparing Old Indian viyāti, "travel through," with the
characteristic OP -ka ending (Neue Wege itn Altpersischen 39-40).
            69. See also Hallock, CHI 592-95. It has been calculated that there were at least 19
treasuries in the Persis/Elam region outside Persepolis itself; cf. Tuplin, "The Adminis-
tration of the Achaemenid Empire" 130, with reference to H. Koch, "'Hofschatzwarte'
and 'Schatzhäuser' in der Persis," ZA 71 (1981-82) 232-47; cf. also W. Hinz, "Achä-
menidische Hofverwaltung," ZA 61 (1971) 260-311.
            70. See most recently T. Petit, "L'évolution sémantique des termes hébreux et
arameens phh et sgn et accadiens pāhatu et šaknu," JBL 107 (1988) 53-67.
            71. Cf. Ezra, Nehemiah 28-32.

60                    Bulletin for Biblical Research 1

              Traveling parties of many sizes are attested in our texts, and since

more than 72 percent of the dated texts come from only two years it

must be assumed that such traveling companies were by no means an

uncommon sight on the empire's highways. PFT 1532, for instance,

speaks of 2,454 gentlemen, and no. 1527 of 1,150 workers,⁷² though

the majority of texts deal with smaller numbers.

            (5) With regard to Nehemiah's armed guard (and Ezra's refusal

of such an escort) we may observe that a number of titles of uncertain

meaning crop up in these texts which Hallock tentatively associates

with those who might have accompanied the caravans. We should

note especially the "elite guide" (literally, "safe-keeper"), and his

comment that "Persons with this title . . . are involved particularly

with groups of foreigners, for whom special guidance and protection

would be required" (42). In addition, as is probably attested by these

texts, and as is already known from other sources,⁷³ there were

mounted couriers, who must have been armed, moving rapidly from

one station to the next, as well as many other travelers. Whatever

risks he took, Ezra is certainly not to be pictured as leading his party

through totally deserted and trackless wastes.

            (6) Part of Ezra's anxiety was doubtless caused by the fact that he

was transporting gold, silver, and valuable vessels for the temple 

(Ezra 8:25-27). In this connection, it is hard to resist citing PFT 1342,

even though it is not fully understood: "8 BAR (of) flour (was) supplied

by Karma. Mannuya the treasurer took silver from Susa , and went to

Matezziš. 2 gentlemen daily received each 1 1/2 QA. Ninth (Elamite)

month, (for) a period of 16 days, 22nd year." There are several

unusual points about this text: we do not normally find references to

someone of the rank of treasurer among the travelers; nor to the

transportation of silver (but cf. PFT 1357 and PFa 14); nor are the

rations ever for so long as 16 days.⁷⁴ It is clearly tempting to assume

that these three factors are somehow related, but it remains strange

that Mannuya did not make all haste to deposit his silver safely. Did

he have to wait for an escort, or until the road had been made safe?

Perhaps there is a hint that Ezra had good cause to pray earnestly for

a safe journey and to give thanks after his arrival in Jerusalem .

            (7) Finally, in view of both Ezra 2:66-67 and Neh 2:9, it is worth

pointing out that animals (especially horses) are sometimes included

            72. Indeed, Lewis, Sparta and Persia 6-7, goes so far as to speak of "people moving
round in large ethnic groups" and of "a whole population transplanted," though this
needs to be read carefully in its historical context.
            73. Cf. Hallock, CHI 606-7.
            74. Nearly all are for one day, a few for two days; above that, Hallock (43) lists one
tablet each relating to three days (1344), four days (1311), six days (1408), seven days
(2057), and ten days (1395).

               WILLAMSON: Ezra and Nehemiah                                  61

in these texts as receiving rations,⁷⁵ and indeed that PFT 1780-87

relate exclusively to rations for animals on journeys (e.g., PFT 1785:

"17.4 BAR [i.e., 17 BAR , 4 QA] (of) grain, Miramana received for rations,

and gave (it) to horses of Abbalema, (as) rations (for) 2 days. He car-

ried a sealed document of the king. 19 horses, 1 received 3 QA. And 15

mules, 1 received 2 QA. In the second (Elamite) month, 23rd year").

  Conclusion

In drawing these remarks to a close, it is worth reminding ourselves

that the chronologically restricted testimony of the Persepolis tablets

is probably an accident of history, and that the type of administration

which they reflect will have lasted throughout the years of the Achae-

menid empire.⁷⁶ There can thus be no objection to comparing them

closely with Ezra and Nehemiah, with which we have seen they dem-

onstrate some striking points of contact. Furthermore, as in the case of

Neh 5:14-19, dealt with on a previous occasion (see above, n 19), the

biblical passages referred to here have tended to be clustered in con-

centrated sections, despite the more thematic nature of the discussion.

Not surprisingly, it will be found that these are passages which deal

with points of closest contact between the Persian administration and

the Jewish leaders. To that extent, our discussion has not only illumi-

nated some obscurities in our texts, but has also shown how well they

fit into their purported setting.

            On the other hand, it is important to be careful not to try to prove

too much from such comparisons. There is still a great deal of uncer-

tainty surrounding the detailed understanding of these texts, some of

the points raised above could well be coincidental, and it may be

assumed that government practices were as well known to storytellers

as to historians. Nevertheless, when due allowance has been made, it

remains the case that the more we learn of the system of Persian rule,

the more the objections of an earlier generation of scholars to the sub-

stantial authenticity of the accounts in Ezra and Nehemiah may be

seen to have been unwarranted; and with that we must remain

content.

            75. See, for instance, PFT 1397: "29 (BAR of) flour, supplied by Mirizza, Karabba the
Indian, sent forth from the king (to) India , received for rations, (for) 1 day (in) the third
month, 24th year. He himself received 2 QA. 180 "people" (passengers?) received each 1 1/2
QA. 50 boys received each 1 QA. 3 horses consumed each 3 QA. 3 mules consumed each 2
QA. He carried a sealed document of the king."
            76. Cf. especially Briant, Rois, Tributs et Paysans 208ff., and above, n 15.