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Bulletin for Biblical Research (BBR) 1997

David's Transfer of the Ark

according to Josephus

CHRISTOPHER T. BEGG

CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA

The Bible twice relates the story of David's transfer of the ark to Jerusalem,

once in 2 Samuel 6 and then, in greatly expanded form, in 1 Chronicles 13-

16. This article studies Josephus' retelling of the episode in Ant. 7.78-89 in

relation to the biblical sources (as represented by MT, Codex Vaticanus and

the Lucianic/Antiochene MSS of the LXX, as well as the Targums). Among

its findings: Josephus drew on the presentations of both Samuel and Chron-

icles. There are several clear instances of his dependence on a LXX-like text

of Samuel (and Chronicles), but no equally clear-cut indications of his uti-

lization of a MT-like text. Contentually, Josephus' version highlights the

role of the priests vis-à-vis that of the Levites in the ark's transfer. David's

role is likewise consistently accentuated, even while source suggestions of

his arrogation of priestly prerogatives are eliminated. Finally, building on

the LXX reading in 2 Sam 6:20, Josephus softens the vehemence of Michal's

exchange with her husband, just as he also attempts to harmonize conflict-

ing biblical data concerning her (lack of) progeny.

Key Words: Josephus, David, ark, LXX, biblical retelling

Over the course of the 20th century the story of David's transfer of

the Ark to Jerusalem in 2 Samuel 6 (//1 Chronicles 13-16) has fueled

a variety of scholarly endeavors: reconstructions of the history of the

early monarchy, speculations on the cultic Sitz of the psalms, studies

on the relationship between Chronicles and its Samuel Vorlage, and

especially since the discovery of the Qumran Samuel mss, renewed

attention to text-critical questions.¹ In this essay I wish to examine a

much earlier re-reading of 2 Samuel 6 (//1 Chronicles 13-16), i.e.,

1. On 2 Samuel 6, see recently: C. L. Seow, Myth, Drama and the Politics of David's

Dance (HSM 44; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989); Terence Kleven, "Hebrew Style in 2 Sam-

uel 6," JETS 35 (1992) 299-314; R. A. Carlson, "David and the Ark in 2 Samuel 6," in

History and Traditions of Early Israel: Studies Presented to Eduard Nielsen (ed. A. Lemaire

and B. Otzen; VTSup 50; Leiden: Brill, 1993) 17-23; Karel van der Toorn and Cees

Houtman, "David and the Ark," JBL 113 (1994) 209-31.

12 Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

that of Josephus in Ant. 7.78-89.² My examination of Josephus' retell-

ing of the ark episode will proceed by way of a detailed comparison

between it and its biblical sources as represented by the following

major witnesses: MT (BHS), 4QSam^a,³ Codex Vaticanus (hereafter B)⁴

and the Lucianic (hereafter L) or Antiochene mss⁵ of the LXX, along

with Targum Jonathan on the Former Prophets (hereafter TJ)⁶ and

the Targum on Chronicles (hereafter TC).⁷ I undertake this investiga-

tion with a variety of questions in mind: How does Josephus deal, in

Ant. 7.78-89, with the differences between his two biblical sources?

Which text-forms of those sources were available to him? How, why

and with what effect does Josephus modify the scriptural data?

To facilitate my comparison I divide up the parallel material into

five segments as follows: 1) Transfer Initiated (2 Sam 6:1-5//1 Chr

13:1-8//Ant. 7.78-80); 2) Disaster (2 Sam 6:6-7//1 Chr 13:9-10//Ant.

7.81); 3) David's Response (2 Sam 6:8-11//1 Chr 13:11-14[14:1-15:24]

//Ant. 7.82-83); Second Attempt (2 Sam 6:12-20a//1 Chr 15:25–

16:3[16:4– 42], 43//Ant. 7.84-86); and 5) Sequel: David-Michal ex-

change (2 Sam 6:20b-23//Ant. 7.87-89).

2. For the writings of Josephus I use the Loeb Classical Library text and transla-

tion. Ant. 7.78-89 can be found in vol. 5, pp. 401-7 of this edition where the transla-

tion and notes are by R. Marcus. I have likewise consulted the edition of B. Niese,

Flavii Josephi Opera Editio maior (Berlin: Weidmann, 1885-1895), whose text is followed

by Marcus for the most part.

3. For this MS, which has yet to be officially published, I base myself on the read-

ings as cited in Eugene C. Ulrich, The Qumran Text of Samuel and Josephus (HSM 19;

Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1978) 193-221.

4. For B I use the edition of Alan E. Brooke and Norman Maclean, The Old Testa-

ment in Greek according to the Text of Codex Vaticanus, 1 and II Kings (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1930); II:III I and II Chronicles (1932). B's text of 2 Samuel

6 is part of a segment, 1 Samuel-2 Sam 11:1, where B represents the "Old Greek" or

"non-kaige" text form, i.e., one which has not undergone that assimilation to (proto-)

MT other portions of its text of Samuel and Kings have experienced; see C. T. Begg,

Josephus' Account of the Early Divided Monarchy (AJ 8,212-420) (BETL 108; Leuven:

Leuven University /Peeters, 1993) 4, n. 11 and the literature cited there. Likewise the

B text of Chronicles appears to stand closest to the Old Greek of that book, see ibid.

5. For the L text of Samuel I use the edition of Natalio Fernández Marcos and

José Ramón Busto Saiz, El texto antioqueno de la Biblia Griega, II 1-2 Samuel (TECC 50;

Madrid: CSIC, 1989). For the L text of Chronicles I use the critical apparatus of the

Cambridge edition of the LXX cited in the previous note. Since the monograph of

A. Mez, Die Bibel des Josephus untersucht für Buch V—VII der Archäologie (Basel: Jaeger &

Kobel, 1895) it has been widely accepted that Josephus knew the Book of Samuel pri-

marily in a proto-L text form; see Begg, Josephus' Account, 2-3, n. 6.

6. For TJ I use the edition of Alexander Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic, vol. 2 (Leiden:

Brill, 1959) and the translation of this by Daniel J. Harrington and Anthony J. Saldarini,

Targum Jonathan of the Former Prophets (The Aramaic Bible 10; Wilmington: Glazier, 1987).

7. For TC I use the edition of Roger Le Déaut and J. Robert, Targum des Chroniques,

vol. 2 (AnBib 51; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1971) and the translation of this by

J. Stanley Mclvor, The Targum of Chronicles (The Aramaic Bible 19; Collegeville: Litur-

gical Press, 1994).

BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus 13

TRANSFER INITIATED

2 Sam 6:1-2 represents David as acting on his own initiative in as-

sembling 30,000 Israelites to retrieve the ark. 1 Chr 13:1-4, by con-

trast, recounts a prior "consultation" by David regarding the project.

Faced with these alternative openings of the episode, Josephus (7.78)

has clearly opted to follow that of Chronicles. At the same time, he in-

troduces several modifications of that source's introductory presenta-

tion. A first such modification is the transitional phrase, i.e., "but when

the battle had come to such an end . . ." with which the Josephan

paragraph commences. This phrase picks up on the historian's imme-

diately preceding account (7.71-77) of David's double victory over the

Philistines which he derives from 2 Sam 5:17-25 (//1 Chr 14:8-17

which, however, occurs only after the narrative of the first, abortive ef-

fort at moving the ark, 1 Chr 13:1-14). Thus, already here one sees Jo-

sephus' free oscillation between the data and sequence of his sources.

Following the above transition, Josephus goes on to speak (//1 Chr

13:1) of David's "consulting (sumbouleusame/nw|, LXX e)bouleu/sato) with

the elders (tw=n gero/ntwn),8 leaders (h(gemo/nwn, LXX panti_ h(goumenw|) and

captains of thousands (xilia/rxwn)."⁹ In 1 Chr 13:2-3, David, having

"consulted" with the leaders (13:1), addresses "all the assembly of Is-

rael"; in this presentation it remains unclear whether or not these are

two distinct initiatives, involving two different audiences.¹⁰ Josephus

resolves the ambiguity by replacing David's address to the assembly

with mention of the "decision" taken by him pursuant to his consult-

ing with the leaders. In relating the content of that decision, Josephus

draws on the wording of the Davidic discourse to the assembly of

13:2-3 while recasting this in indirect discourse.¹¹ Since Josephus is

reporting a decision taken by David rather than a proposal submitted

by him to the assembly for its approval, it is not surprising that he

omits the opening conditional clauses of 13:2 "if it seems good to you,

and if it is the will of our God . . ." (RSV). In 13:2b David proposes to

assemble two groups of persons, i.e., "our brethren who remain in all

8. This grouping is not mentioned among those with whom David "consults" in

either MT or B 1 Chr 13:1. On the other hand it does have a counterpart in the plus, i.e.,

tw=n presbu/terwn, found in the L mss of that verse. Leslie C. Allen (The Greek Chronicles,

Part I The Translator's Craft [VTSup 25; Leiden: Brill, 1974] 73) lists this communality as

one of some 17 cases "where it seems most likely that Josephus depended upon a

proto-Lucianic text."

9. In LXX this term is coupled with e(katona/rxwn.

10. On the point, see, e.g., Wilhelm Rudolph, Chronikbücher (HAT 1.21; Tübingen:

Mohr [Siebeck], 1955) 112-13, who argues that the "assembly" of v. 2 is coterminous

with the leadership groups cited in v. 1.

11. Also elsewhere Josephus repeatedly substitutes indirect for the direct discourse

of the Bible. On the point, see Begg, Josephus' Account, 12-13, n. 38 and the literature

cited there.

14 Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

the land(s) of Israel" and "the priests and Levites (so MT L, B "the

Levitical priests") in the cities that have pasture lands." Josephus has

the king decide first to "summon to him those of his countrymen

(o(mofu/lwn, LXX a)delfou/j)¹² throughout the entire land (e)c a(pa/shj th=j

xw/raj, LXX e)n pa/sh| gh|= )Israh/l)¹³ who were in the prime of life (e)n a)kmh|=

th=j h(liki/aj)." Josephus' concluding qualification of the "countrymen"

whom David summons here has no equivalent in 1 Chr 13:2. It might,

however, be seen as an echo of 2 Sam 6:1 where those whom David

assembles are designated as "all the chosen men (MT rwxb-lk, LXX

pa/nta neani/an) of Israel." If so, we would have another indication of

Josephus' commingling of items drawn from both his biblical sources.

In next reporting David's "decision" regarding the second group

cited in 13:2b, i.e., the "priests and Levites,"¹⁴ Josephus leaves aside

the (irrelevant) detail about their being "in the cities that have pas-

ture lands." On the other hand, he does introduce a specification,

(partially) inspired by elements of Chronicles' subsequent account

(see 1 Chr 13:5-6 in particular), about what the king has in mind for

the cultic officers. This begins "(and have the priests and Levites)

proceed to Kariathjarim (Kariaqia/rima)¹⁵ to take the ark of God (th_n

tou= qeou= kibwto/n) from there and bring it to Jerusalem;¹⁶ there they

should in future keep it and worship the Deity (qrhskeu/ein . . . to_ qei=on)

with such sacrifices and other forms of homage (qusi/aij kai_ tai=j a!llaij

timai=j) as are pleasing (xai/rei) to Him. . . ."¹⁷

The second half of the above statement about David's intended

role for the priests and Levites serves as a lead-in (and positive coun-

terpart) to Josephus' version (7.79a) of the reflection/confession of

1 Chr 13:3b "for we did not seek it (MT = L whn#$rd, compare B e)zh/thsan

au)th/n) in the days of Saul." In Josephus' elaboration David acknowl-

12. On Josephus' use of this term in preference to the biblical designation "broth-

ers" of 13:2, see Adolf Schlatter, Die Theologie des Judentums nach dem Bericht des Josefus

(BFCT 2.26; Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1932) 80.

13. Josephus' use of the singular "land" goes together with LXX against the plu-

ral form twcr) of MT.

14. Josephus follows MT and L here in distinguishing between "priests" and

"Levites" in contrast to B's conflation, "the Levitical priests," see above in the text.

15. In Ant. 6.17-18 the form of the city's name is rather Kariaqiarei/m.

16. Compare 1 Chr 13:5 "So David assembled all Israel . . . to bring the ark of God

(LXX th_n kibwto_n tou= qeou=) from Kiriathjearim (BL e)k po/lewj )Iarei/m)," see also the

verbally parallel "execution notice" in 13:6. Josephus' above "anticipation" of the wording of

1.3:5-6 highlights the role of the cultic officers (not mentioned in the biblical sequence as such)

in the transfer of the ark. It likewise supplies an indication of the terminus of the transfer

("to Jerusalem") which is without parallel in 13:6 but does have its counterpart in 2 Sam

6:12, 16 (//1 Chr 15:29) which speak of the ark being brought "to the city of David."

17. This component of David's decision regarding the task of the priests and Le-

vites has no equivalent in the biblical accounts (I italicize such items when citing the

text of Josephus). It does, however, serve to highlight their role vis-à-vis the ark, see

previous note.

BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus 15

edges not only the fact of the ark's neglect, but also the consequences

of this: "for, he believed, if they had done this (i.e., worshipped the

Deity in accord with his will, see above) while Saul was still reigning,

they would not have suffered any misfortune."

1 Chr 13:4 rounds off the introduction to the ark transfer story by

noting that the "assembly" agreed to the proposal presented by David

in 13:2-3. Josephus, who, as noted above, does not reproduce the no-

tice of 13:2a about David addressing the assembly, naturally passes

over its approval of the king's project as well. In Josephus' presenta-

tion of the background to the ark's transfer then there is no role for

the "assembly"; David simply decides on his own what is to be done

after consultation with the leaders. In other words, Josephus effec-

tively eliminates the "democratizing" tendency¹⁸ evident in the Chron-

icler 's version of the story as compared with that of 2 Samuel 6. His

doing so likely reflects Josephus' personal distaste for “democracy.”¹⁹

1 Chr 13:5-6 (cf. 2 Sam 6:1-2) tells, somewhat repetitiously (see,

e.g., the double purpose indication "to bring [up] the ark of God from

Kiriath-jearim/from there") of the assembling of "all Israel" and its

proceeding to the site of the ark. Josephus compresses (7.79b): "So then

when all the people (tou= laou= panto/j, 13:5 "all Israel") had assembled

(sunelqo/ntoj, 13:5 "David assembled [LXX e)cekklhsi/asen])²⁰in accor

dance with this plan (kaqw_j e)bouleu/santo),²¹ the king came (paragi/ne-

tai)²² to the ark. . . ."²³

18. On this tendency of 1 Chronicles 13, see Sara Japhet, I and II Chronicles (OTL;

Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1993) 274.

19. On Josephus' anti-democratic stance, see L. H. Feldman, "Use, Authority, and

Exegesis of Mikra in the Writings of Josephus," in Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and

Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (ed. Martin

Jan Mulder and Harry Sysling; CRINT 2.1; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1988) 455-518, 497-98.

20. Josephus leaves aside the indication of 13:5 concerning the extent of the ter-

ritory from which David assembled Israel, i.e., "from the Shihor [MT, LXX o(ri/wn] of

Egypt to the entrance of Hamath," perhaps finding the implied dimensions of David's

kingdom implausibly large. He likewise omits the verse's notice on the

assembly (to bring the ark of God from Kiriathjearim), having anticipated this previ-

ously, see n. 16.

21. The above inserted phrase echoes the mention of David's "consulting"

(sumbouleusame/nw|) the leaders of 7.78, compare e)bouleu/sato, 1 Par 13:1.

22. Here, as frequently elsewhere, Josephus introduces a historic present form

into his rewriting of the biblical narration. On the feature, see Begg, Josephus' Account,

10-11 n. 32 and the literature cited there.

23. The above reference to David personally approaching the ark conceivably re-

flects the LXX opening of 1 Chr 13:6 "and David brought it [the ark] up (B a)nh/gagen, L a)ne/be)

and all Israel went up"; compare MT "and David and all Israel went up. . . ."

case, Josephus omits the remainder of 13:6 (//2 Sam 6:2) ". . . to Baalah (so MT, LXX

to the city of David), that is Kiriathjearim (so MT L > B) which belongs to Judah, to

bring up from there the ark of God . . . ," having anticipated this in his statement of

David's "decision" in 7.78; see nn. 16, 20. By effectively omitting 1 Chr 13:6 Josephus

likewise eliminates the ambiguity generated by the verse's double name for the site of

16 Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

Of the two source accounts, 2 Sam 6:3(-4)²⁴ gives a more expansive

description of the actual beginning of the transport process than does

the parallel 1 Chr 13:7. Josephus' version (7.79b) goes its own way in

several respects vis-à-vis both biblical narrations. First of all, whereas

neither source specifies who "carried" the ark from house to cart, Jo-

sephus does clarify the point: "and the priests (oi( i(erei=j) carried it out

of the house (e)k th=j . . . oi)ki/aj, compare L 2 Rgns 6:3/1 Par 13:7 e)c

oi1kou, B 2 Rgns 6:3 ei)j oi}kon) of Aminadab ( )Aminada/bou)²⁵ and placed

it upon a new wagon (e)piqe/ntej e)f ) a#macan kainh/n). . . ."²⁶ With this

specification Josephus picks up on his earlier statement of David's "de-

cision" to assemble the "priests and Levites" that they might "take" the

ark from Kiriathjearim.²⁷ By means of it he likewise obviates the

difficulty of the Chronicler's presentation where the cultic officers are

cited in David's proposal regarding the transport of the ark (13:2) but then

nothing is said, as such, of their role when the process itself is recounted (13:7).

Josephus' emphasis on the priests' role in the ark's progress con-

tinues in his rendition of the source references to those "driving" the

cart. Specifically, according to the historian's formulation, the priests

"permitted" others to "draw" (e#lkein) the ark "with (the help of) oxen

(meta_ tw=n bow=n)."²⁸ The sources vary in their designations for the ark's

attendants. MT 2 Sam 6:3b and 1 Chr 13:7 identify these as Uzzah

and Ahio (wOyx;)a);²⁹ the former verse further qualifies the pair as sons

of Abinadab, while 6:4 makes a second mention of Ahio as "going

before the ark." LXX 2 Sam 6:3-4 twice reads "and his (i.e., of )Oza/ =

MT Uzzah) brothers" for MT's double "Ahio," while 1 Par 13:7 ren-

ders MT's single "Ahio" with the same phrase. Josephus' designation

for the "drawers" of the cart, i.e., "his brothers and sons," seems to

represent a reversal of the sequence found in 2 Rgns 6:3b- 4 ". . . the

___________________________________________________________________________

the ark ("Baalah," "Kiriathjearim," MT). Cf. 2 Sam 6:2 hdwhy-yl(bm (MT), )yh hl(b

hddhyl [r#$) Myr(y ty]rq (4QSam^a), a)po_ tw=n a)rxo/ntwn )Idou/da e)n a)naba/sei (B, +

tou= bounou=, L), hdwhy tybd )ywrqm (TJ).

24. On the text-critical problems raised, inter alia, by the repetitions of 2 Sam 6:3-

4, see the commentaries.

25. This is the form of the name found in L 2 Sam 6:3 (and previously used by Josephus

himself in Ant. 6.18). MT has "Abinadab," B 2 Rgns 6:3 and BL 1 Par 13:7 )Ameinada/b. Like 1

Chr 13:7 Josephus has no equivalent to the notation of 2 Sam 6:3 about Abinadab's house being

"on the hill" (he likewise omits this specification in his parallel to 1 Sam 7:1 in 6.18).

26. Compare 1 Par 13:7 e)pe/qhkan . . . . e)pi_ a#macan kainh/n. 2 Sam 6:3 lacks explicit

mention of the "placing" of the ark upon the cart.

27. Here in 7.79, however, only "the priests" are mentioned, this reflecting Jose-

phus' highlighting of their role throughout his version of the episode, see further below.

28. There is no mention of "oxen" in 2 Sam 6:3-4//1 Chr 13:7. Josephus cites

them here in order to set up the (biblically unprepared) reference to them in 6:6//13:9

where they are said to have "jostled" the ark.

29. Some propose to revocalize this form as wyhi)a ("his brother") in light of the

LXX reading "his brothers"; see the commentaries.

BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus 17

sons of Am(e)inadab . . . and his brothers." Whereas, however, accord-

ing to 2 Rgns the "brothers" in question are those of "Oza" (Uzzah)—

whom 6:3b mentions before the initial occurrence of the phrase "and

his brothers"--and thus sons of Aminadab, Josephus does not cite

the name "Oza" at this juncture³⁰ with the result that the "brothers"

referred to him become those of the only figure whose name appears

in 7.79b, i.e., Aminadab himself.

As described in 2 Sam 6:5//1 Chr 13:8, David and "all Israel"

make various forms of music "before the Lord/God." Josephus (7.80)

represents David and "all the people" (pa=n . . . to_ plh=qoj) chanting

in praise of God (u(mnou=ntej to_n qeo/n)³¹ and singing (a|!dontej)³² all man-

ner of native melodies; thus, with the mingled sounds of stringed instru-

ments (krousma/twn)³³ and with dancing (o)rxh/sewn)³⁴ and singing to the

harp (yalmw=n),³⁵ as well as with trumpets (sa/lpiggoj)³⁶ and cymbals

(kumba/lwn),³⁷ they escorted the ark to Jerusalem."³⁸

DISASTER

2 Sam 6:6-8//1 Chr 13:9-10//Ant. 7.81 tell of a catastrophe which

brought the transport of the ark to a (temporary) halt. In all three

accounts that catastrophe transpires as the procession arrives at a

"threshing floor."³⁹ The biblical witnesses differ, however, regarding

30. He does mention the name subsequently in 7.81; Niese (Flavii Josephi) sug-

gests that the name may have dropped out in 7.79.

31. Compare 1 Par 13:8 pai/zontej e)nanti/on tou= qeou=. Josephus omits the specifica-

tion of both 2 Sam 6:5 and 1 Chr 13:8 that the assembly played "with all their strength."

32. This reference to the assembly's "singing" has a counterpart in the mention of its

playing before the Lord/God "with songs" in 4QSam^a, LXX 2 Sam 6:5 (e)n w|)dai=j) and MT L (e)n

w|)dai=j) 1 Chr 13:8. Compare MT 2 Sam 6:5 My#$wrb yc( lkb (RSV note: "with all fir-trees").

33. This is Josephus' generalizing term for the "harps and lutes" of 2 Sam 6:5//

1 Chr 13:8. See n. 35.

34. This item has no equivalent in either 2 Sam 6:5 or 1 Chr 13:8. Josephus has

likely anticipated it from the subsequent course of the biblical accounts, see 2 Sam 6:14,

16 (//1 Chr 15:29), which speak of David's "dancing" before the ark. It replaces the ref-

erence in 2 Sam 6:5//1 Chr 13:8 to the playing of Mypt (LXX na/blaij), RSV "tambourines."

35. Compare 1 Par 13:8 e)n yalt|doi=j; recall Josephus' preceding, generalizing

reference to "stringed instruments"; see n. 33.

36. In the list of musical instruments cited in 1 Chr 13:8 "trumpets" (LXX e)n

sa/lpigcin) are the last item cited. The list of 2 Sam 6:5 lacks "trumpets"; conversely, it

mentions an instrument absent from 1 Chr 13:8, i.e., MT My(n(nmb/LXX e)n au)loi=j, RSV

"castanets."

37. This same term figures as the penultimate item in the list of instruments of

both 2 Rgns 6:5 and 1 Par 13:8.

38. This specification concerning the destination of the ark procession has no

equivalent in either 2 Sam 6:5 or 1 Chr 13:8. It does, however, pick up on the phrase

introduced by Josephus in reporting David's "decision" in 7.78, i.e., the priests and

Levites are to bring the ark "to Jerusalem."

39. Josephus' formulation at the opening of 7.81 reads w(j d ) a!xri . . . a#lwnoj . . .

proh=lqon. His past verb form here corresponds to that of 1 Par 13:9 (h!lqosan) as against

18 Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

their further identifications of the site. In MT 2 Sam 6:6 the threshing

floor is that of NwOknf (4QSam^a Ndwn) which TJ takes as a participle, i.e.,

Nqtm ("appointed place") and which is rendered by B as Nada/b and by

L as )Orna_ tou= )Iebousai/ou.⁴⁰ MT 1 Chr 13:9 associates the site with a

Ndoyki. In TC one finds the same rendition as in TJ 2 Sam 6:6; B 1 Par

lacks an equivalent to MT's "Chidion," while in other LXX MSS one

finds xeilw/n (so AN), xelw/n (so, e.g., the L Ms 93) and xailw/n (so, e.g.,

the L MSS 19 and 108). Josephus' designation for the site clearly aligns

itself with that of Chronicles against Samuel.⁴¹ At the same time, the

various witnesses to the text of Ant.⁴² offer different readings of the name of the

site's owner. Niese and Marcus propose the form Xeidw/noj (cf. Xei/donoj S Exc.

Suidas; Xei/danoj P; Chedon Lat) in line with MT Chronicles' "Chidion."⁴³ In the

codices RO, on the other hand, one finds Xei/lwnoj (cf. Xh/lwnoj E), à la the

various LXX readings cited above. Thus, it remains uncertain which form of the

threshing floor's owner's name Josephus himself actually wrote. On the other hand,

it does seem clear that he either did not know or deliberately opted not to employ

the name as read by the various witnesses to 2 Sam 6:6.

In the sources (2 Sam 6:6b-7//1 Chr 13:9b-10) one hears first

of Uzzah's act and then of the wrathful divine reaction to this. Jose-

phus reverses the two items, thereby highlighting the former. His

version of the sequence accordingly runs: ". . . Ozas ( )Oza=j, LXX

)Oza/)⁴⁴ met his death (teleuta|=)⁴⁵ through the wrath of God (kat 0

o)rgh_n tou= qeou=, 2 Rgns 6:7//1 Par 13:10 e)qumw/qh [+ o)rgh|=, L 2 Rgns]

Ku/rioj),⁴⁶ for, when the oxen (tw=n bow=n, MT rqbh, LXX o( mo/sxoj)⁴⁷

_________________________________________________________________________

the historic present of BL 2 Rgns 6:6 (paragi/nontai), a form elsewhere favored by Jose-

phus, see n. 22.

40. L's reading here is inspired by the mention of the "threshing floor" of

'Araunah (so MT, L )Orna_) the Jebusite" which David subsequently purchases for his

altar in 2 Sam 24:16.

41. Num. Rab. 4.20 cites R. Johanan's harmonization of the designations of 1 Chr

13:9 ("Chidon" = "javelin") and 2 Sam 6:6 ("Nacon" = "firm," cf. TJ): "At first [it shook

like a javelin] but in the end it (the threshing-floor) was firmly established."

42. For an explanation of the sigla used for these, see Josephus, Vol. IV, xvii–xviii.

43. Josephus appends to mention of the site the phrase "so the place was called."

44. Recall that in the extant witnesses of Josephus' version of 2 Sam 6:3//1 Chr 13:7 in

7.79 the name of this figure is absent (see n. 30). Thus the name appears unexpectedly here in

7.81.

45. Compare the historic present paragi/netai in 7.79; cf. n. 22.

46. The occurrence of the term "wrath" in the above phrase picks up on the same

term as found in L 2 Rgns 6:7; the L reading, in turn, has its equivalent in the wording

of MT 2 Sam 6:7//1 Chr 13:10: hwhy P) rxyw. Josephus makes virtually no use of the

standard LXX designation of God as Ku/rioj employed, e.g., in the above formulation

of 2 Rgns 6:7//1 Par 13:10, likely because such a usage was not normal in non-LXX

Greek; on the point, see Begg, Josephus' Account, 45, n. 218.

47. Recall Josephus' introduction of an anticipated reference to "oxen" in his ver-

sion of 2 Sam 6:3//1 Chr 13:7 in 7.79. His use of the term bow=n in both 7.79 and 81 in

BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus 19

tilted the ark forward (e)pineusa/ntwn th_n kibwto/n),⁴⁸ he stretched out

his hand (e)ktei/nata th_n xei=ra, 2 Rgns/1 Par e)ce/teinen . . . th_n xei=ra)⁴⁹

in an attempt to hold it in place (katasxei=n e)qelh/santa). . . ."⁵⁰ In the

context of 2 Sam 6:6-7//1 Chr 13:9-10 (cf., however, 15:13) itself, no

reason is given for the fatal divine anger that Uzzah's deed pro-

voked. Josephus, by contrast, immediately supplies an explanation

on the matter lest readers think the Deity's action altogether arbi-

trary, i.e., "and, because he touched it though not a priest (i(ereu/j),⁵¹ God

caused his death (a)poqanei=n e)poi/hse),”⁵²

________________________________________________________________________

preference to the singular o( mo/sxoj (compare MT's collective singular rqbh) might be intended

as a reminiscence of the account of the Philistines' return of the ark (6.10-17) where the term

bo/ej in its various forms recurs repeatedly (as it does in the biblical parallel, i.e., 1 Rgns 6:1-16).

48. Compare MT Samuel/Chronicles rqbh w+m#$ (RSV "the oxen stumbled," this

rendering is uncertain however, see the commentaries); L 2 Rgns 6:6 perie/spasen au)th/n

[sc. the ark, au)to/n, i.e., Uzzah] o( mo/sxoj; 1 Par 13:9 e)ce/klinen au)th_n o( mo/sxoj TJ/TC

"for the oxen were making it sway (yhwgrm)." Josephus' use of a plural verbal form with

the oxen as subject agrees with the MT (and TJ/TC) readings; on the other hand, his

explicit mention of "the ark" as the object of the oxen's action corresponds to the ren-

derings of L 2 Rgns and 1 Par (as well as TJ/TC) whose feminine pronominal forms

refer to the ark as against MT whose verb lacks an object.

49. In his explicit mention of Uzzah's stretching out "his hand" Josephus goes to-

gether with all the other biblical textual witnesses being surveyed against MT 2 Sam

6:6 which reads simply xl#$yw.

50. Compare B 2 Rgns 6:6 tou= katasxei=n au)th/n [1 Par 13:9 th_n kibwto/n]; L 2

Rgns 6:6 kai_ e)kratai/wsen au)th/n.

51. This reference to Uzzah's "not being a priest" and so not entitled to "touch" the

ark picks up 7.80 where Josephus records that "the priests" who themselves carried the

ark out of Aminadab's house and placed it on the wagon "permitted" the latter's "broth-

ers and sons" to "draw" the wagon with the help of oxen (in his version of 1 Sam 7:1

in Ant. 6.18 Josephus, seemingly inspired by the mention of the Levite "Amminadab" of

David's time in 1 Chr 15:11, identifies "Aminadab" as "a man of the stock of Levi"). Jo-

sephus' presentation thus presupposes the Deuteronomic prescription that the (Leviti-

cal) priests are the sole legitimate bearers of the ark (see Deut 10:9; 31:9), see the state-

ment introduced by him when recounting the making of the ark in Ant. 3.136 "it was

not drawn by a yoke of beasts, but was borne by the priests (i(erew/n)." According to P

(see Num 4:20; 7:9) and the Chronicler (see 1 Chr 15:2, 12-13; 2 Chr 5:4), on the con-

trary, it is the (non-priestly) "Levites" who are to carry the ark when it is moved. Num.

Rab. 4.20 follows this legislation of P and Chronicles when it attributes the stumbling of

the oxen and Uzzah's demise (2 Sam 6:6) to the disregard of the principle implied in the

notice of Num 7:9 (Moses gave no wagons and oxen to the sons of Korath the Levite--

as he did to the other groups of Levites, see 7:6-8, because they were to carry the holy

things [including the ark, see Num 4:5, 15] on their shoulders), i.e., the only legitimate

mode of transporting the ark was on the shoulders of Levites, this excluding, e.g., the

use of an oxen-drawn cart. It appears then that while both Josephus and rabbinic tra-

dition go beyond the Bible in advancing an explanation for the disaster with which Da-

vid's first attempt at moving the ark ended, their respective explanations are grounded

in divergent biblical laws concerning by whom and how the ark was to be transported.

52. Compare 1 Par 13:10 "(God) smote him . . . and he died (a)pe/qanen) there before

God."

20 Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

DAVID'S RESPONSE

The story's next segment is 2 Sam 6:8-11//1 Chr 13:11-14//Ant.

7.82b-83 which relates David's (initial) response to Uzzah's fate. The

two biblical accounts begin (6:8//13:11) by noting that David "was

angry" (MT rxyw [compare hwhy P) rxyw, 6:7//13:10[, LXX h)qu/mhsen) at

the Lord's "breaking forth" (LXX die/koyen . . . diakoph/n) against Uz-

zah. Josephus' parallel notes the reaction, not only of David, but of

the whole assembly as well: "Both the king and his people (o[ lao/j)⁵³

were displeased (e)dusfo/rhsan) at the death (e)pi_ tw|= qana/tw|) of Ozas."

2 Sam 6:8//1 Chr 13:11b round off the preceding reference to David's

reaction with a corresponding etiological notice, i.e., "and that place is

called Perez-Uzzah (LXX Diakoph_ )Oza/) to this day." Josephus' rendi-

tion employs the components of LXX's name for the site in reverse or-

der: "and the place (o( . . . to/poj =1 Par 13:11) where he died (e)teleu/thsen,

cf. teleuta|/, 7.81) is called (kalei=tai,⁵⁴ 1 Par 13:11 e)ka/lesen) the Breach

of Ozas ( )Oza= diakkoph/)."⁵⁵

The narration of David's (emotional) response to Uzzah's demise