Bulletin for Biblical Research (BBR) 1997

 Bulletin for Biblical Research 7 (1997) 11-36   [© 1997 Institute for Biblical Research]

                       David's Transfer of the Ark

                          according to Josephus

                                           CHRISTOPHER T. BEGG

                                  CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA

             The Bible twice relates the story of David's transfer of the ark to Jerusalem,

            once in 2 Samuel 6 and then, in greatly expanded form, in 1 Chronicles 13-

            16. This article studies Josephus' retelling of the episode in Ant. 7.78-89 in

            relation to the biblical sources (as represented by MT, Codex Vaticanus and

            the Lucianic/Antiochene MSS of the LXX, as well as the Targums). Among

            its findings: Josephus drew on the presentations of both Samuel and Chron-

            icles. There are several clear instances of his dependence on a LXX-like text

            of Samuel (and Chronicles), but no equally clear-cut indications of his uti-

            lization of a MT-like text. Contentually, Josephus' version highlights the

            role of the priests vis-à-vis that of the Levites in the ark's transfer. David's

            role is likewise consistently accentuated, even while source suggestions of

            his arrogation of priestly prerogatives are eliminated. Finally, building on

            the LXX reading in 2 Sam 6:20, Josephus softens the vehemence of Michal's

            exchange with her husband, just as he also attempts to harmonize conflict-

            ing biblical data concerning her (lack of) progeny.

            Key Words: Josephus, David, ark, LXX, biblical retelling

Over the course of the 20th century the story of David's transfer of

the Ark to Jerusalem in 2 Samuel 6 (//1 Chronicles 13-16) has fueled

a variety of scholarly endeavors: reconstructions of the history of the

early monarchy, speculations on the cultic Sitz of the psalms, studies

on the relationship between Chronicles and its Samuel Vorlage, and

especially since the discovery of the Qumran Samuel mss, renewed

attention to text-critical questions.¹ In this essay I wish to examine a

much earlier re-reading of 2 Samuel 6 (//1 Chronicles 13-16), i.e.,

            1. On 2 Samuel 6, see recently: C. L. Seow, Myth, Drama and the Politics of David's

Dance (HSM 44; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989); Terence Kleven, "Hebrew Style in 2 Sam-

uel 6," JETS 35 (1992) 299-314; R. A. Carlson, "David and the Ark in 2 Samuel 6," in

History and Traditions of Early Israel: Studies Presented to Eduard Nielsen (ed. A. Lemaire

and B. Otzen; VTSup 50; Leiden: Brill, 1993) 17-23; Karel van der Toorn and Cees

Houtman, "David and the Ark," JBL 113 (1994) 209-31.

12                    Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

that of Josephus in Ant. 7.78-89.² My examination of Josephus' retell-

ing of the ark episode will proceed by way of a detailed comparison

between it and its biblical sources as represented by the following

major witnesses: MT (BHS), 4QSam^a,³ Codex Vaticanus (hereafter B)⁴

and the Lucianic (hereafter L) or Antiochene mss⁵ of the LXX, along

with Targum Jonathan on the Former Prophets (hereafter TJ)⁶ and

the Targum on Chronicles (hereafter TC).⁷ I undertake this investiga-

tion with a variety of questions in mind: How does Josephus deal, in

Ant. 7.78-89, with the differences between his two biblical sources?

Which text-forms of those sources were available to him? How, why

and with what effect does Josephus modify the scriptural data?

            To facilitate my comparison I divide up the parallel material into

five segments as follows: 1) Transfer Initiated (2 Sam 6:1-5//1 Chr

13:1-8//Ant. 7.78-80); 2) Disaster (2 Sam 6:6-7//1 Chr 13:9-10//Ant.

7.81); 3) David's Response (2 Sam 6:8-11//1 Chr 13:11-14[14:1-15:24]

//Ant. 7.82-83); Second Attempt (2 Sam 6:12-20a//1 Chr 15:25–

16:3[16:4– 42], 43//Ant. 7.84-86); and 5) Sequel: David-Michal ex-

change (2 Sam 6:20b-23//Ant. 7.87-89).

            2. For the writings of Josephus I use the Loeb Classical Library text and transla-

tion. Ant. 7.78-89 can be found in vol. 5, pp. 401-7 of this edition where the transla-

tion and notes are by R. Marcus. I have likewise consulted the edition of B. Niese,

Flavii Josephi Opera Editio maior (Berlin: Weidmann, 1885-1895), whose text is followed

by Marcus for the most part.

            3. For this MS, which has yet to be officially published, I base myself on the read-

ings as cited in Eugene C. Ulrich, The Qumran Text of Samuel and Josephus (HSM 19;

Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1978) 193-221.

            4. For B I use the edition of Alan E. Brooke and Norman Maclean, The Old Testa-

ment in Greek according to the Text of Codex Vaticanus, 1 and II Kings (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1930); II:III I and II Chronicles (1932). B's text of 2 Samuel

6 is part of a segment, 1 Samuel-2 Sam 11:1, where B represents the "Old Greek" or

"non-kaige" text form, i.e., one which has not undergone that assimilation to (proto-)

MT other portions of its text of Samuel and Kings have experienced; see C. T. Begg,

Josephus' Account of the Early Divided Monarchy (AJ 8,212-420) (BETL 108; Leuven:

Leuven University /Peeters, 1993) 4, n. 11 and the literature cited there. Likewise the

B text of Chronicles appears to stand closest to the Old Greek of that book, see ibid.

            5. For the L text of Samuel I use the edition of Natalio Fernández Marcos and

José Ramón Busto Saiz, El texto antioqueno de la Biblia Griega, II 1-2 Samuel (TECC 50;

Madrid: CSIC, 1989). For the L text of Chronicles I use the critical apparatus of the

Cambridge edition of the LXX cited in the previous note. Since the monograph of

A. Mez, Die Bibel des Josephus untersucht für Buch V—VII der Archäologie (Basel: Jaeger &

Kobel, 1895) it has been widely accepted that Josephus knew the Book of Samuel pri-

marily in a proto-L text form; see Begg, Josephus' Account, 2-3, n. 6.

            6. For TJ I use the edition of Alexander Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic, vol. 2 (Leiden:

Brill, 1959) and the translation of this by Daniel J. Harrington and Anthony J. Saldarini,

Targum Jonathan of the Former Prophets (The Aramaic Bible 10; Wilmington: Glazier, 1987).

            7. For TC I use the edition of Roger Le Déaut and J. Robert, Targum des Chroniques,

vol. 2 (AnBib 51; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1971) and the translation of this by

J. Stanley Mclvor, The Targum of Chronicles (The Aramaic Bible 19; Collegeville: Litur-

gical Press, 1994).

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus          13  

                              TRANSFER INITIATED

2 Sam 6:1-2 represents David as acting on his own initiative in as-

sembling 30,000 Israelites to retrieve the ark. 1 Chr 13:1-4, by con-

trast, recounts a prior "consultation" by David regarding the project.

Faced with these alternative openings of the episode, Josephus (7.78)

has clearly opted to follow that of Chronicles. At the same time, he in-

troduces several modifications of that source's introductory presenta-

tion. A first such modification is the transitional phrase, i.e., "but when

the battle had come to such an end . . ." with which the Josephan

paragraph commences. This phrase picks up on the historian's imme-

diately preceding account (7.71-77) of David's double victory over the

Philistines which he derives from 2 Sam 5:17-25 (//1 Chr 14:8-17

which, however, occurs only after the narrative of the first, abortive ef-

fort at moving the ark, 1 Chr 13:1-14). Thus, already here one sees Jo-

sephus' free oscillation between the data and sequence of his sources.

            Following the above transition, Josephus goes on to speak (//1 Chr

13:1) of David's "consulting (sumbouleusame/nw|, LXX e)bouleu/sato) with

the elders (tw=n gero/ntwn),8 leaders (h(gemo/nwn, LXX panti_ h(goumenw|) and

captains of thousands (xilia/rxwn)."⁹ In 1 Chr 13:2-3, David, having

"consulted" with the leaders (13:1), addresses "all the assembly of Is-

rael"; in this presentation it remains unclear whether or not these are

two distinct initiatives, involving two different audiences.¹⁰ Josephus

resolves the ambiguity by replacing David's address to the assembly

with mention of the "decision" taken by him pursuant to his consult-

ing with the leaders. In relating the content of that decision, Josephus

draws on the wording of the Davidic discourse to the assembly of

13:2-3 while recasting this in indirect discourse.¹¹ Since Josephus is

reporting a decision taken by David rather than a proposal submitted

by him to the assembly for its approval, it is not surprising that he

omits the opening conditional clauses of 13:2 "if it seems good to you,

and if it is the will of our God . . ." (RSV). In 13:2b David proposes to

assemble two groups of persons, i.e., "our brethren who remain in all

            8. This grouping is not mentioned among those with whom David "consults" in

either MT or B 1 Chr 13:1. On the other hand it does have a counterpart in the plus, i.e.,

tw=n presbu/terwn, found in the L mss of that verse. Leslie C. Allen (The Greek Chronicles,

Part I The Translator's Craft [VTSup 25; Leiden: Brill, 1974] 73) lists this communality as

one of some 17 cases "where it seems most likely that Josephus depended upon a

proto-Lucianic text."

            9. In LXX this term is coupled with e(katona/rxwn.

            10. On the point, see, e.g., Wilhelm Rudolph, Chronikbücher (HAT 1.21; Tübingen:

Mohr [Siebeck], 1955) 112-13, who argues that the "assembly" of v. 2 is coterminous

with the leadership groups cited in v. 1.

            11. Also elsewhere Josephus repeatedly substitutes indirect for the direct discourse

of the Bible. On the point, see Begg, Josephus' Account, 12-13, n. 38 and the literature

cited there.

14                       Bulletin for Biblical Research 7         

the land(s) of Israel" and "the priests and Levites (so MT L, B "the

Levitical priests") in the cities that have pasture lands." Josephus has

the king decide first to "summon to him those of his countrymen

(o(mofu/lwn, LXX a)delfou/j)¹² throughout the entire land (e)c a(pa/shj th=j

xw/raj, LXX e)n pa/sh| gh|=   )Israh/l)¹³ who were in the prime of life (e)n a)kmh|=

th=j h(liki/aj)." Josephus' concluding qualification of the "countrymen"

whom David summons here has no equivalent in 1 Chr 13:2. It might,

however, be seen as an echo of 2 Sam 6:1 where those whom David

assembles are designated as "all the chosen men (MT rwxb-lk, LXX

pa/nta neani/an) of Israel." If so, we would have another indication of

Josephus' commingling of items drawn from both his biblical sources.

            In next reporting David's "decision" regarding the second group

cited in 13:2b, i.e., the "priests and Levites,"¹⁴ Josephus leaves aside

the (irrelevant) detail about their being "in the cities that have pas-

ture lands." On the other hand, he does introduce a specification,

(partially) inspired by elements of Chronicles' subsequent account

(see 1 Chr 13:5-6 in particular), about what the king has in mind for

the cultic officers. This begins "(and have the priests and Levites)

proceed to Kariathjarim (Kariaqia/rima)¹⁵ to take the ark of God (th_n

tou= qeou= kibwto/n) from there and bring it to Jerusalem;¹⁶ there they

should in future keep it and worship the Deity (qrhskeu/ein . . . to_ qei=on)

with such sacrifices and other forms of homage (qusi/aij kai_ tai=j a!llaij

timai=j) as are pleasing (xai/rei) to Him. . . ."¹⁷

            The second half of the above statement about David's intended

role for the priests and Levites serves as a lead-in (and positive coun-

terpart) to Josephus' version (7.79a) of the reflection/confession of

1 Chr 13:3b "for we did not seek it (MT = L whn#$rd, compare B e)zh/thsan

au)th/n) in the days of Saul." In Josephus' elaboration David acknowl-

            12. On Josephus' use of this term in preference to the biblical designation "broth-

ers" of 13:2, see Adolf Schlatter, Die Theologie des Judentums nach dem Bericht des Josefus

(BFCT 2.26; Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1932) 80.

            13. Josephus' use of the singular "land" goes together with LXX against the plu-

ral form twcr) of MT.

            14. Josephus follows MT and L here in distinguishing between "priests" and

"Levites" in contrast to B's conflation, "the Levitical priests," see above in the text.

            15. In Ant. 6.17-18 the form of the city's name is rather Kariaqiarei/m.

            16. Compare 1 Chr 13:5 "So David assembled all Israel . . . to bring the ark of God

(LXX th_n kibwto_n tou= qeou=) from Kiriathjearim (BL e)k po/lewj   )Iarei/m)," see also the

verbally parallel "execution notice" in 13:6. Josephus' above "anticipation" of the wording of

1.3:5-6 highlights the role of the cultic officers (not mentioned in the biblical sequence as such)

in the transfer of the ark. It likewise supplies an indication of the terminus of the transfer

("to Jerusalem") which is without parallel in 13:6 but does have its counterpart in 2 Sam

6:12, 16 (//1 Chr 15:29) which speak of the ark being brought "to the city of David."

            17. This component of David's decision regarding the task of the priests and Le-

vites has no equivalent in the biblical accounts (I italicize such items when citing the

text of Josephus). It does, however, serve to highlight their role vis-à-vis the ark, see

previous note.

                 BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus     15

edges not only the fact of the ark's neglect, but also the consequences

of this: "for, he believed, if they had done this (i.e., worshipped the

Deity in accord with his will, see above) while Saul was still reigning,

they would not have suffered any misfortune."

            1 Chr 13:4 rounds off the introduction to the ark transfer story by

noting that the "assembly" agreed to the proposal presented by David

in 13:2-3. Josephus, who, as noted above, does not reproduce the no-

tice of 13:2a about David addressing the assembly, naturally passes

over its approval of the king's project as well. In Josephus' presenta-

tion of the background to the ark's transfer then there is no role for

the "assembly"; David simply decides on his own what is to be done

after consultation with the leaders. In other words, Josephus effec-

tively eliminates the "democratizing" tendency¹⁸ evident in the Chron-

icler 's version of the story as compared with that of 2 Samuel 6.  His

doing so likely reflects Josephus' personal distaste for “democracy.”¹⁹

            1 Chr 13:5-6 (cf. 2 Sam 6:1-2) tells, somewhat repetitiously (see,

e.g., the double purpose indication "to bring [up] the ark of God from

Kiriath-jearim/from there") of the assembling of "all Israel" and its

proceeding to the site of the ark. Josephus compresses (7.79b): "So then

when all the people (tou= laou= panto/j, 13:5 "all Israel") had assembled

(sunelqo/ntoj, 13:5 "David assembled [LXX e)cekklhsi/asen])²⁰  in accor

dance with this plan (kaqw_j e)bouleu/santo),²¹ the king came (paragi/ne-

tai)²² to the ark. . . ."²³

            18. On this tendency of 1 Chronicles 13, see Sara Japhet, I and II Chronicles (OTL;

Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1993) 274.

            19. On Josephus' anti-democratic stance, see L. H. Feldman, "Use, Authority, and

Exegesis of Mikra in the Writings of Josephus," in Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and

Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (ed. Martin

Jan Mulder and Harry Sysling; CRINT 2.1; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1988) 455-518, 497-98.

            20. Josephus leaves aside the indication of 13:5 concerning the extent of the ter-

ritory from which David assembled Israel, i.e., "from the Shihor [MT, LXX o(ri/wn] of

Egypt to the entrance of Hamath," perhaps finding the implied dimensions of David's

kingdom implausibly large. He likewise omits the verse's notice on the

assembly (to bring the ark of God from Kiriathjearim), having anticipated this previ-

ously, see n. 16.

            21. The above inserted phrase echoes the mention of David's "consulting"

(sumbouleusame/nw|) the leaders of 7.78, compare e)bouleu/sato, 1 Par 13:1.

            22. Here, as frequently elsewhere, Josephus introduces a historic present form

into his rewriting of the biblical narration. On the feature, see Begg, Josephus' Account,

10-11 n. 32 and the literature cited there.

            23. The above reference to David personally approaching the ark conceivably re-

flects the LXX opening of 1 Chr 13:6 "and David brought it [the ark] up (B a)nh/gagen, L a)ne/be)

and all Israel went up"; compare MT "and David and all Israel went up. . . ."

case, Josephus omits the remainder of 13:6 (//2 Sam 6:2) ". . . to Baalah (so MT, LXX

to the city of David), that is Kiriathjearim (so MT L > B) which belongs to Judah, to

bring up from there the ark of God . . . ," having anticipated this in his statement of

David's "decision" in 7.78; see nn. 16, 20. By effectively omitting 1 Chr 13:6 Josephus

likewise eliminates the ambiguity generated by the verse's double name for the site of

16                        Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

            Of the two source accounts, 2 Sam 6:3(-4)²⁴ gives a more expansive

description of the actual beginning of the transport process than does

the parallel 1 Chr 13:7. Josephus' version (7.79b) goes its own way in

several respects vis-à-vis both biblical narrations. First of all, whereas

neither source specifies who "carried" the ark from house to cart, Jo-

sephus does clarify the point: "and the priests (oi( i(erei=j) carried it out

of the house (e)k th=j . . . oi)ki/aj, compare L 2 Rgns 6:3/1 Par 13:7 e)c

oi1kou, B 2 Rgns 6:3 ei)j oi}kon) of Aminadab (  )Aminada/bou)²⁵ and placed

it upon a new wagon (e)piqe/ntej e)f ) a#macan kainh/n). . . ."²⁶ With this

specification Josephus picks up on his earlier statement of David's "de-

cision" to assemble the "priests and Levites" that they might "take" the

ark from Kiriathjearim.²⁷ By means of it he likewise obviates the

difficulty of the Chronicler's presentation where the cultic officers are

cited in David's proposal regarding the transport of the ark (13:2) but then

nothing is said, as such, of their role when the process itself is recounted (13:7).

            Josephus' emphasis on the priests' role in the ark's progress con-

tinues in his rendition of the source references to those "driving" the

cart. Specifically, according to the historian's formulation, the priests

"permitted" others to "draw" (e#lkein) the ark "with (the help of) oxen

(meta_ tw=n bow=n)."²⁸ The sources vary in their designations for the ark's

attendants. MT 2 Sam 6:3b and 1 Chr 13:7 identify these as Uzzah

and Ahio (wOyx;)a);²⁹ the former verse further qualifies the pair as sons

of Abinadab, while 6:4 makes a second mention of Ahio as "going

before the ark." LXX 2 Sam 6:3-4 twice reads "and his (i.e., of   )Oza/ =

MT Uzzah) brothers" for MT's double "Ahio," while 1 Par 13:7 ren-

ders MT's single "Ahio" with the same phrase. Josephus' designation

for the "drawers" of the cart, i.e., "his brothers and sons," seems to

represent a reversal of the sequence found in 2 Rgns 6:3b- 4 ". . . the

___________________________________________________________________________

the ark ("Baalah," "Kiriathjearim," MT). Cf. 2 Sam 6:2 hdwhy-yl(bm (MT), )yh hl(b

hddhyl [r#$) Myr(y ty]rq (4QSam^a), a)po_ tw=n a)rxo/ntwn   )Idou/da e)n a)naba/sei (B, +

tou= bounou=, L), hdwhy tybd )ywrqm (TJ).

            24. On the text-critical problems raised, inter alia, by the repetitions of 2 Sam 6:3-

4, see the commentaries.

            25. This is the form of the name found in L 2 Sam 6:3 (and previously used by Josephus

himself in Ant. 6.18). MT has "Abinadab," B 2 Rgns 6:3 and BL 1 Par 13:7   )Ameinada/b. Like 1

Chr 13:7 Josephus has no equivalent to the notation of 2 Sam 6:3 about Abinadab's house being

"on the hill" (he likewise omits this specification in his parallel to 1 Sam 7:1 in 6.18).

            26. Compare 1 Par 13:7 e)pe/qhkan . . . . e)pi_ a#macan kainh/n. 2 Sam 6:3 lacks explicit

mention of the "placing" of the ark upon the cart.

            27. Here in 7.79, however, only "the priests" are mentioned, this reflecting Jose-

phus' highlighting of their role throughout his version of the episode, see further below.

            28. There is no mention of "oxen" in 2 Sam 6:3-4//1 Chr 13:7. Josephus cites

them here in order to set up the (biblically unprepared) reference to them in 6:6//13:9

where they are said to have "jostled" the ark.

            29. Some propose to revocalize this form as wyhi)a ("his brother") in light of the

LXX reading "his brothers"; see the commentaries.

          BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus               17

sons of Am(e)inadab . . . and his brothers." Whereas, however, accord-

ing to 2 Rgns the "brothers" in question are those of "Oza" (Uzzah)—

whom 6:3b mentions before the initial occurrence of the phrase "and

his brothers"--and thus sons of Aminadab, Josephus does not cite

the name "Oza" at this juncture³⁰ with the result that the "brothers"

referred to him become those of the only figure whose name appears

in 7.79b, i.e., Aminadab himself.

            As described in 2 Sam 6:5//1 Chr 13:8, David and "all Israel"

make various forms of music "before the Lord/God." Josephus (7.80)

represents David and "all the people" (pa=n . . . to_ plh=qoj) chanting

in praise of God (u(mnou=ntej to_n qeo/n)³¹ and singing (a|!dontej)³² all man-

ner of native melodies; thus, with the mingled sounds of stringed instru-

ments (krousma/twn)³³ and with dancing (o)rxh/sewn)³⁴ and singing to the

harp (yalmw=n),³⁵ as well as with trumpets (sa/lpiggoj)³⁶ and cymbals

(kumba/lwn),³⁷ they escorted the ark to Jerusalem."³⁸

                                       DISASTER

2 Sam 6:6-8//1 Chr 13:9-10//Ant. 7.81 tell of a catastrophe which

brought the transport of the ark to a (temporary) halt. In all three

accounts that catastrophe transpires as the procession arrives at a

"threshing floor."³⁹ The biblical witnesses differ, however, regarding

            30. He does mention the name subsequently in 7.81; Niese (Flavii Josephi) sug-

gests that the name may have dropped out in 7.79.

            31. Compare 1 Par 13:8 pai/zontej e)nanti/on tou= qeou=. Josephus omits the specifica-

tion of both 2 Sam 6:5 and 1 Chr 13:8 that the assembly played "with all their strength."

            32. This reference to the assembly's "singing" has a counterpart in the mention of its

playing before the Lord/God "with songs" in 4QSam^a, LXX 2 Sam 6:5 (e)n w|)dai=j) and MT L (e)n

w|)dai=j) 1 Chr 13:8. Compare MT 2 Sam 6:5 My#$wrb yc( lkb (RSV note: "with all fir-trees").

            33. This is Josephus' generalizing term for the "harps and lutes" of 2 Sam 6:5//

1 Chr 13:8. See n. 35.

            34. This item has no equivalent in either 2 Sam 6:5 or 1 Chr 13:8. Josephus has

likely anticipated it from the subsequent course of the biblical accounts, see 2 Sam 6:14,

16 (//1 Chr 15:29), which speak of David's "dancing" before the ark. It replaces the ref-

erence in 2 Sam 6:5//1 Chr 13:8 to the playing of Mypt (LXX na/blaij), RSV "tambourines."

            35. Compare 1 Par 13:8 e)n yalt|doi=j; recall Josephus' preceding, generalizing

reference to "stringed instruments"; see n. 33.

            36. In the list of musical instruments cited in 1 Chr 13:8 "trumpets" (LXX e)n

sa/lpigcin) are the last item cited. The list of 2 Sam 6:5 lacks "trumpets"; conversely, it

mentions an instrument absent from 1 Chr 13:8, i.e., MT My(n(nmb/LXX e)n au)loi=j, RSV

"castanets."

            37. This same term figures as the penultimate item in the list of instruments of

both 2 Rgns 6:5 and 1 Par 13:8.

            38. This specification concerning the destination of the ark procession has no

equivalent in either 2 Sam 6:5 or 1 Chr 13:8. It does, however, pick up on the phrase

introduced by Josephus in reporting David's "decision" in 7.78, i.e., the priests and

Levites are to bring the ark "to Jerusalem."

            39. Josephus' formulation at the opening of 7.81 reads w(j d  ) a!xri . . . a#lwnoj . . .

proh=lqon. His past verb form here corresponds to that of 1 Par 13:9 (h!lqosan) as against

18                       Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

their further identifications of the site. In MT 2 Sam 6:6 the threshing

floor is that of NwOknf (4QSam^a Ndwn) which TJ takes as a participle, i.e.,

Nqtm ("appointed place") and which is rendered by B as Nada/b and by

L as   )Orna_ tou=   )Iebousai/ou.⁴⁰ MT 1 Chr 13:9 associates the site with a

Ndoyki. In TC one finds the same rendition as in TJ 2 Sam 6:6; B 1 Par

lacks an equivalent to MT's "Chidion," while in other LXX MSS one

finds xeilw/n (so AN), xelw/n (so, e.g., the L Ms 93) and xailw/n (so, e.g.,

the L MSS 19 and 108). Josephus' designation for the site clearly aligns

itself with that of Chronicles against Samuel.⁴¹ At the same time, the

various witnesses to the text of Ant.⁴² offer different readings of the name of the

site's owner. Niese and Marcus propose the form Xeidw/noj (cf. Xei/donoj S Exc.

Suidas; Xei/danoj P; Chedon Lat) in line with MT Chronicles' "Chidion."⁴³ In the

codices RO, on the other hand, one finds Xei/lwnoj (cf. Xh/lwnoj E), à la the

various LXX readings cited above. Thus, it remains uncertain which form of the

threshing floor's owner's name Josephus himself actually wrote. On the other hand,

it does seem clear that he either did not know or deliberately opted not to employ

the name as read by the various witnesses to 2 Sam 6:6.

            In the sources (2 Sam 6:6b-7//1 Chr 13:9b-10) one hears first

of Uzzah's act and then of the wrathful divine reaction to this. Jose-

phus reverses the two items, thereby highlighting the former. His

version of the sequence accordingly runs: ". . . Ozas (  )Oza=j, LXX

  )Oza/)⁴⁴ met his death (teleuta|=)⁴⁵ through the wrath of God (kat 0

o)rgh_n tou= qeou=, 2 Rgns 6:7//1 Par 13:10 e)qumw/qh [+ o)rgh|=, L 2 Rgns]

Ku/rioj),⁴⁶ for, when the oxen (tw=n bow=n, MT rqbh, LXX o( mo/sxoj)⁴⁷

_________________________________________________________________________

the historic present of BL 2 Rgns 6:6 (paragi/nontai), a form elsewhere favored by Jose-

phus, see n. 22.

            40. L's reading here is inspired by the mention of the "threshing floor" of

'Araunah (so MT, L   )Orna_) the Jebusite" which David subsequently purchases for his

altar in 2 Sam 24:16.

            41. Num. Rab. 4.20 cites R. Johanan's harmonization of the designations of 1 Chr

13:9 ("Chidon" = "javelin") and 2 Sam 6:6 ("Nacon" = "firm," cf. TJ): "At first [it shook

like a javelin] but in the end it (the threshing-floor) was firmly established."

            42. For an explanation of the sigla used for these, see Josephus, Vol. IV, xvii–xviii.

            43. Josephus appends to mention of the site the phrase "so the place was called."

            44. Recall that in the extant witnesses of Josephus' version of 2 Sam 6:3//1 Chr 13:7 in

7.79 the name of this figure is absent (see n. 30). Thus the name appears unexpectedly here in

7.81.

            45. Compare the historic present paragi/netai in 7.79; cf. n. 22.

            46. The occurrence of the term "wrath" in the above phrase picks up on the same

term as found in L 2 Rgns 6:7; the L reading, in turn, has its equivalent in the wording

of MT 2 Sam 6:7//1 Chr 13:10: hwhy P) rxyw.  Josephus makes virtually no use of the

standard LXX designation of God as Ku/rioj employed, e.g., in the above formulation

of 2 Rgns 6:7//1 Par 13:10, likely because such a usage was not normal in non-LXX

Greek; on the point, see Begg, Josephus' Account, 45, n. 218.

            47. Recall Josephus' introduction of an anticipated reference to "oxen" in his ver-

sion of 2 Sam 6:3//1 Chr 13:7 in 7.79. His use of the term bow=n in both 7.79 and 81 in

      BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus                 19

tilted the ark forward (e)pineusa/ntwn th_n kibwto/n),⁴⁸ he stretched out

his hand (e)ktei/nata th_n xei=ra, 2 Rgns/1 Par e)ce/teinen . . . th_n xei=ra)⁴⁹

in an attempt to hold it in place (katasxei=n e)qelh/santa). . . ."⁵⁰ In the

context of 2 Sam 6:6-7//1 Chr 13:9-10 (cf., however, 15:13) itself, no

reason is given for the fatal divine anger that Uzzah's deed pro-

voked. Josephus, by contrast, immediately supplies an explanation

on the matter lest readers think the Deity's action altogether arbi-

trary, i.e., "and, because he touched it though not a priest (i(ereu/j),⁵¹ God

caused his death (a)poqanei=n e)poi/hse),”⁵²

________________________________________________________________________

preference to the singular o( mo/sxoj (compare MT's collective singular rqbh) might be intended

as a reminiscence of the account of the Philistines' return of the ark (6.10-17) where the term

bo/ej in its various forms recurs repeatedly (as it does in the biblical parallel, i.e., 1 Rgns 6:1-16).

            48. Compare MT Samuel/Chronicles rqbh w+m#$ (RSV "the oxen stumbled," this

rendering is uncertain however, see the commentaries); L 2 Rgns 6:6 perie/spasen au)th/n

[sc. the ark, au)to/n, i.e., Uzzah] o( mo/sxoj; 1 Par 13:9 e)ce/klinen au)th_n o( mo/sxoj  TJ/TC

"for the oxen were making it sway (yhwgrm)." Josephus' use of a plural verbal form with

the oxen as subject agrees with the MT (and TJ/TC) readings; on the other hand, his

explicit mention of "the ark" as the object of the oxen's action corresponds to the ren-

derings of L 2 Rgns and 1 Par (as well as TJ/TC) whose feminine pronominal forms

refer to the ark as against MT whose verb lacks an object.

            49. In his explicit mention of Uzzah's stretching out "his hand" Josephus goes to-

gether with all the other biblical textual witnesses being surveyed against MT 2 Sam

6:6 which reads simply xl#$yw.

            50. Compare B 2 Rgns 6:6 tou= katasxei=n au)th/n [1 Par 13:9 th_n kibwto/n]; L 2

Rgns 6:6 kai_ e)kratai/wsen au)th/n.

            51. This reference to Uzzah's "not being a priest" and so not entitled to "touch" the

ark picks up 7.80 where Josephus records that "the priests" who themselves carried the

ark out of Aminadab's house and placed it on the wagon "permitted" the latter's "broth-

ers and sons" to "draw" the wagon with the help of oxen (in his version of 1 Sam 7:1

in Ant. 6.18 Josephus, seemingly inspired by the mention of the Levite "Amminadab" of

David's time in 1 Chr 15:11, identifies "Aminadab" as "a man of the stock of Levi"). Jo-

sephus' presentation thus presupposes the Deuteronomic prescription that the (Leviti-

cal) priests are the sole legitimate bearers of the ark (see Deut 10:9; 31:9), see the state-

ment introduced by him when recounting the making of the ark in Ant. 3.136 "it was

not drawn by a yoke of beasts, but was borne by the priests (i(erew/n)." According to P

(see Num 4:20; 7:9) and the Chronicler (see 1 Chr 15:2, 12-13; 2 Chr 5:4), on the con-

trary, it is the (non-priestly) "Levites" who are to carry the ark when it is moved. Num.

Rab. 4.20 follows this legislation of P and Chronicles when it attributes the stumbling of

the oxen and Uzzah's demise (2 Sam 6:6) to the disregard of the principle implied in the

notice of Num 7:9 (Moses gave no wagons and oxen to the sons of Korath the Levite--

as he did to the other groups of Levites, see 7:6-8, because they were to carry the holy

things [including the ark, see Num 4:5, 15] on their shoulders), i.e., the only legitimate

mode of transporting the ark was on the shoulders of Levites, this excluding, e.g., the

use of an oxen-drawn cart. It appears then that while both Josephus and rabbinic tra-

dition go beyond the Bible in advancing an explanation for the disaster with which Da-

vid's first attempt at moving the ark ended, their respective explanations are grounded

in divergent biblical laws concerning by whom and how the ark was to be transported.

            52. Compare 1 Par 13:10 "(God) smote him . . . and he died (a)pe/qanen) there before

God."

20                    Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

                                DAVID'S RESPONSE

The story's next segment is 2 Sam 6:8-11//1 Chr 13:11-14//Ant.

7.82b-83 which relates David's (initial) response to Uzzah's fate. The

two biblical accounts begin (6:8//13:11) by noting that David "was

angry" (MT rxyw [compare hwhy P) rxyw, 6:7//13:10[, LXX h)qu/mhsen) at

the Lord's "breaking forth" (LXX die/koyen . . . diakoph/n) against Uz-

zah. Josephus' parallel notes the reaction, not only of David, but of

the whole assembly as well: "Both the king and his people (o[ lao/j)⁵³

were displeased (e)dusfo/rhsan) at the death (e)pi_ tw|= qana/tw|) of Ozas."

2 Sam 6:8//1 Chr 13:11b round off the preceding reference to David's

reaction with a corresponding etiological notice, i.e., "and that place is

called Perez-Uzzah (LXX Diakoph_   )Oza/) to this day." Josephus' rendi-

tion employs the components of LXX's name for the site in reverse or-

der: "and the place (o( . . . to/poj =1 Par 13:11) where he died (e)teleu/thsen,

cf. teleuta|/, 7.81) is called (kalei=tai,⁵⁴ 1 Par 13:11 e)ka/lesen) the Breach

of Ozas (  )Oza= diakkoph/)."⁵⁵

            The narration of David's (emotional) response to Uzzah's demise

continues in 2 Sam 6:9//1 Chr 13:12 which mention the king's "fear-

ing God," this prompting him to ask "how can I bring the ark of God

home to me?" Josephus (7.82b) expatiates on the object of David's

"fear": "David, therefore, fearful (dei/saj, LXX e)fobh/qh) at the thought

that he might suffer the same fate as Ozas if he received the ark into his

house (par 0 au(to/n, 1 Par 13:12 pro_j e)mauto/n) in the city (e)n th|= po/lei),⁵⁶

since the former had perished (a)poqano/ntoj, cf. a)poqanei=n, 7.81) in this

way merely because he had stretched out his hand towards it (e)ce/teine th_n

xei=ra, cf. e)ktei/natna th_n xei=ra, 7.81). . . ."

            Prompted by his "fear" David "was not willing to (2 Sam 6:10a)/

did not 1 Chr 13:13a) take the ark (+ home, so Chronicles) into the

city of David." Rather (6:10b//13:13b), he "took it aside to the house

of Obed-Edom the Gittite." Josephus' parallel elaborates particularly

on the figure of the ark's (temporary) host: ". . . he did not bring it into

his house (pro_j au(to_n, 1 Par pro_j e(auto/n)⁵⁷ in the city (ei)j th_n po/lin, so

            53. With the above collocation compare 7.80 "Before it (the cart bearing the ark)

went the king and all the people (o( plh=qoj) with him."

            54. Note the historic present.

            55. While Josephus does thus utilize the LXX name for the site where Uzzah met

his end, his substitution of the phrase "(David and the people were displeased) at the

death of Ozas" for the biblical reference to God's "breaking forth" against Uzzah vi-

tiates the sources' wordplay between the verb used of the divine action and the name

given the site.

            56. With the above addition Josephus anticipates the notice of 2 Sam 6:10//1 Chr

13:13 "David did not take (was unwilling to take, so Samuel) the ark into the city (LXX

ei)j th_n po/lin) of David."

            57. Josephus' above formulation agrees in two particulars with that of 1 Chr 13:13a

against 2 Sam 6:10a. Like the former, he does not speak of David's being "unwilling"

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              21

2 Rgns 6:10b);⁵⁸ instead he brought it to a certain place (ei!@j ti xwri/on,

2 Rgns/1 Par ei)j oi}kon) belonging to a righteous man (dikai/ou)⁵⁹ named

Obadaros (  )Wbada/rou),⁶⁰ a Levite by descent (Lhoui/tou to_ ge/noj),⁶¹ and

deposited the ark with him." Conversely, Josephus leaves aside the

sources' qualification of Obed-Edom as "the Gittite," likely because

such a foreign origin would seem to conflict with the figure's status

both as a Levite and a designated host for the ark. 2 Sam 6:11//1 Chr

13:14 round off the account of David's reaction to Uzzah's death by

noting first that the ark remained with Obed-Edom three months

and then that God "blessed" him and all his household. Josephus

formulates equivalently: "It (the ark) remained (e@meine, 2 Rgns/1 Par

e)ka/qisen) there three whole months and brought increase to Obadaros's

house (to_n oi}kon = 2 Rgns 6:11), and for himself procured great good

(mete/dwken a)gaqw=n)."⁶²

            At this point, Josephus' two sources diverge notably. 2 Sam 6:12-

19 proceeds immediately to relate David's second (successful) at-

tempt at moving the ark. The Chronicler's parallel to this segment of

his Vorlage comes only in 1 Chr 15:25-16:1-3, 43. Between 1 Chr 13:14

(//2 Sam 6:11) and 15:25 (//2 Sam 6:12) there stands a lengthy se-

quence, 14:1-15:24, consisting of material found at an earlier point

in Samuel, i.e., 14:1-17 (//2 Sam 5:11-25)⁶³ as well as a Sondergut

________________________________________________________________________

to take the ark into his city, just as he precedes the reference to the "city" with mention

of his (David's) "house."

            58. Here, as also subsequently, Josephus leaves aside the qualification of "the city"

as "of David" found in both his sources. He does, however, use the phrase "city of

David" in 7.65, there reproducing 2 Sam 5:9//1 Chr 11:7.

            59. This qualification concerning Obed-Edom's character has no counterpart in the

sources. It does, however, serve to explain why he in particular was designated to host

the ark. The indication likewise echoes Josephus' previous (also "un-biblical") charac-

terization of Abinadab, the ark's earlier keeper in 6:18, i.e., "(since there lived there . . .

Aminadab reputed for his righteousness (dikaiosu/nh|=) and piety, they brought the ark to his

house, as to a place beseeming God, being the abode of a righteous (di/kaioj) man."

            60. Compare MT Obed-Edom; B 2 Rgns 6:10 (and 1 Par 13:13)   )Abeddara/, L   )Abeddada/n. On the question of what may have been the original form of the name in Josephus,

see A. Schlatter, Die hebräischen Namen bei Josephus (BFCT 17.3; Gütersloh: Bertelsmann,

1913), s.v. Md) db( and A. Schalit, Namenwörterbuch zu Flavius Josephus (Leiden: Brill,

1968), s.v.  )Wbada/domoj.

            61. Josephus draws the datum of Obed-Edom's status as a "Levite"—absent in both

2 Sam 6:10 and 1 Chr 13:13—from 1 Chr 15:18 where he figures among a list of Levitical

singers appointed by David. The above Greek phrase has its counterpart in Ant. 6.18

where Aminadab is designated, on the basis of 1 Chr 15:11, as Leui/tou to_ ge/noj, see n. 64.

            62. The above formulation eliminates the explicitly theological note sounded by

the sources: "The Lord (God) blessed. . . ."

            63. The above parallel sequence has the following content: Hiram's support for

David's building projects (14:1-2//5:11-12); David's children (14:3-7//5:13-16); and his

double victory over the Philistines (14:8-17//5:17-25). On the reason(s) for the Chron-

icler's placing this bloc after, rather than before (so Samuel), his account of David's ini-

tial effort at moving the ark, see the commentaries.

22                     Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

segment (15:1-24) recounting directives issued by David in prepara-

tion for his subsequent try at transporting the ark (15:25ff.). Here, Jo-

sephus, for the first time in his version of the ark-transport episode,

clearly aligns himself with the presentation of Samuel as opposed to

that of Chronicles. He has already related the content of 2 Sam 5:11-

25//1 Chr 14:1-17 at the same point where this appears in Samuel,

i.e., prior to David's first, failed initiative with the ark, see Ant. 6.66-

77. Conversely, he makes no use as such of the non-synoptic material

of 1 Chr 15:1-24.⁶⁴ Accordingly, in line with 2 Sam 6:12a, he shifts

directly (6.84) from mention of Obed-Edom's prospering (//6:11) to

narration of David's "hearing" of this development—a point not

mentioned by the Chronicler as such, see below.

                                  SECOND ATTEMPT

The episode of David's moving the ark culminates in his second, fe-

licitous attempt at doing so as related in 2 Sam 6:12-19//1 Chr 15:25-

16:3 (4-42), 43//Ant. 7.84-86. As noted above, Josephus (7.84) follows

2 Sam 6:12a in representing David's new initiative as prompted by his

"hearing" of the prosperity that had come to Obed-Edom and his

household.⁶⁵ At the same time, Josephus greatly amplifies what it is

that David "hears": "But when the king heard (a)kou/saj, 2 Sam 6:12

"it was told to King David saying") what had befallen Obadaros and

from his former poverty and humble station (peni/aj kai_ pateino/thtoj)⁶⁶ he

had all at once risen to prosperity (eu)sdai/mwn) and became an object of

envy (zhlwto/j) to all those who saw his house or heard about it. . . ."⁶⁷

            64. It should, however, be pointed out that Josephus does draw on this material

in several other connections. In particular his designations of both Aminadab (6.18)

and Obed-Edom (7.83) as "Levites" are inspired by 1 Chr 15:11 and 18, respectively,

see n. 61.

            65. The Chronicler has no parallel to 2 Sam 6:12a. E.g., Rudolph (Chronikenbücher,

115) suggests that he omitted the verse-half in order not to have it appear that David

only acted on behalf of the ark when (and because) he has been given to understand

that the ark is a source of prosperity, not of harm: "Man wird nicht um die Annahme

herumkommen, dass ihm dieses Motiv für David zu selbstsüchtig erschien." Josephus

apparently felt no such sensibility on the matter.

            66. Neither Samuel nor Chronicles mention anything about Obed-Edom's circum-

stances prior to the ark's arrival at his house. By introducing mention of his earlier

"poverty and humble station" here, Josephus accentuates the marvel of his new, ark-

induced prosperity.

            67. Compare 2 Sam 6:12a, "The Lord has blessed the household of Obed-Edom

and all that belongs to him, because of the ark of God." Here again (see n. 62), Josephus

"leaves aside the source's explicit mention of the Deity as the source of Obed-Edom's

prosperity. In addition, he has no counterpart to the italicized phrase of 6:12a accord-

ing to which it was precisely "because of the ark" that the Lord blessed Obed-Edom.

            Both the Bible and Josephus leave the nature of the prosperity that came Obed-

Edom's way rather indeterminate. By contrast, Num. Rab. 4.20 and b. Ber. 63b specify,

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              23

            After the long interlude of 1 Chr 14:1-15:24, the Chronicler finally

rejoins the sequence of Samuel in relating David's actual moving of

the ark, 15:25//6:12b. Josephus prefaces his corresponding notice with

mention of the king's inner reaction to what he has just "heard" (see

above): ". . . he was encouraged (qarsh/saj) in the belief that he would suffer

no harm, and removed (metakomi/zei.)⁶⁸ the ark to his own house."⁶⁹

            2 Sam 6:13//1 Chr 15:26 commence the sources' description of the

circumstances surrounding the ark's transport. According to MT Sam-

uel whenever its bearers had advanced the ark "six paces" David

"sacrificed an ox and a fatling." By contrast 2 Rgns precedes its men-

tion of David's sacrifices with the notice that "seven choirs" accom-

panied those bearing the ark. 1 Chr 15:26 (MT and LXX), for its

part, states: "because God helped the Levites who were carrying the

ark . . .⁷⁰ they sacrificed⁷¹ seven bulls and seven rams." Josephus' par-

allel leaves aside the mention of "sacrifices" common to both Samuel

and Chronicles. This "omission" was perhaps inspired by the fact that

the sources contain a "duplicate" reference to such sacrifices, first

while the ark is in transit (6:13//15:26) and then when it has been

installed in Jerusalem (6:17//16:1; Josephus does reproduce this latter

reference, see 7.86 which comes at a point, i.e., at the safe conclusion

of the transport process, where it might appear more appropriate). On

the other hand, his formulation does clearly reflect the peculiar read-

ing of 2 Rgns 6:13 (see above), even while it goes its own way with re-

gard to the designation of those bearing the ark: "it was carried by

___________________________________________________________

with reference to the listing of Obed-Edom's progeny in 1 Chr 26:4-8, that God's

"blessing" of him consisted in his being given 48 grandchildren by his 8 daughters-in-

law during the period the ark was with him. These rabbinic sources likewise affirm

that the great blessing accorded Obed-Edom "because of the ark" will be surpassed in

the case of those giving hospitality to scholars who do not merely contain the Torah as

the ark did, but actively study it.

            68. Note the historic present. In making David alone the subject of the action of

moving the ark here, Josephus follows 2 Sam 6:12b in contrast to 1 Chr 15:25 which

associates "the elders of Israel and the commanders of thousands" with David in the

enterprise. Recall how already earlier (see on 7.78) Josephus played down the Chron-

icler's "democratizing" of the preparations for the first attempt at moving the ark.

            69. In specifying a terminus for the ark's move, Josephus aligns himself with 2 Sam

6:12b ("to the city of David") against 1 Chr 15:25 which merely states that the ark was

brought up "from the house of Obed-Edom." At the same time, Josephus leaves aside

the concluding indication of both 2 Sam 6:12 and 1 Chr 15:25, i.e., that the ark was

transported "with rejoicing."

            70. In specifying that it was "the Levites" who bore the ark the second time (corn-

pare 2 Sam 6:13 where the identity of the bearers is left indeterminate), the Chronicler

is drawing on the Sondergut directives which he attributes to David in 15:2, 11-13, cf.

also 15:15.

            71. Note here again (see n. 68) the accentuation of the role of the entire leader-

ship vis-à-vis that of David who in 2 Sam 6:13 is depicted as the sole sacrificer.

24                      Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

the priests (tw=n i(ere/wn bastazo/ntwn, compare basta/santej . . . oi( i(erei/j,

7.79)⁷² and these preceded by seven choirs (e(pta_ . . . xorw=n = BL 2

Rgns 6:13) whom the king had marshalled. . ."⁷³

            2 Sam 6:14//1 Chr 15:27 focus on David's role during the transport

process. The former verse cites both his activity ("dancing [rkrkm]

with all his might," MT; "sounding with well-tuned instruments

[a)nekrou/eto e)n o)rga/noij h(rmosme/noij]," LXX) and his vesture (MT "a

linen ephod") on this occasion, while the latter speaks only of the

garments ("a robe of fine linen" and a "linen ephod") worn by David

(the assisting Levites wearing the former item as well). The Josephan

version seems to depend on the 2 Rgns 6:14 reading (see above) re-

garding David's musical activity, while at the same time dispensing

with the reference to the king's vesture common to both sources.⁷⁴ It

runs: ". . . while he himself played (pai/zontoj)⁷⁵ the harp (kinu/ra|) and

loudly plucked its strings (krotou/ntoj). . . . "⁷⁶

            72. Recall that 2 Sam 6:13 does not identify the ark's bearers; Josephus' replace-

ment of "the Levites" of 1 Chr 15:26 with "the priests" as its carriers is in line with his

representation of the latter as the ark's designated bearers (see Ant. 3.136) and his pre-

vious accentuation of the priests vis-à-vis the Levites in his version of our episode, see

on 7.79, 81, cf. n. 51.

            73. Josephus' reference to David's having "marshalled" the "choirs" which has no

counterpart in 2 Rgns 6:13 serves to account for their presence at this juncture. Con-

ceivably, Josephus found inspiration for the addition in the Sondergut segment 1 Chr

15:16-24 concerning David's appointment of musicians which itself immediately pre-

cedes the Chronicler's version (15:25-16:3, 43//2 Sam 6:12-19) of the second attempt

at moving the ark.

            74. Josephus' omission of this source item might have been prompted by the con-

sideration that the garment(s) in question (the ["robe" and] "ephod") were (high-)priestly

vestments (see Exod 28:39, compare Ant. 3.151-78) which David as a non-priest would

not have had the right to wear. (Note in this connection that in his version of the story

of Samuel's childhood, 1 Samuel 1-3, in Ant. 5.338-51, Josephus leaves aside the notices

of 1 Sam 2:18-19 about the [non-priestly] boy's "ephod" and "robe"). In any case,

Josephus, in leaving aside the sources' notice on David's own vesture, dispenses with

1 Chr 15:27's reference to the robes worn by the Levites as well. In so doing, he con-

tinues to play down the Levites' role in the episode. In this last connection, it is of

interest to note Josephus' (disapproving) account (Ant. 20.216-18) of how in the reign

of King Agrippa, the hymn-singers among the Levites prevailed on the king and the San-

hedrin to allow them to wear "linen robes (linh=n stolh/n) on equal terms with the priests."

Given his characterization (20.218) of this development as "contrary to the ancestral

laws and bound to make us liable to punishment" it is understandable that Josephus

leaves aside the scriptural precedent cited in 1 Chr 15:27 about the Levitical singers

wearing a "robe (LXX stolh|=) of fine linen."

            75. The same verb stands in 1 Par 15:29 (as also in L 2 Rgns 6:16) where the ref-

erence is to Michal's seeing David "(dancing and) playing (pai/zonta)."

            76. The above verb krou/w is hapax in Josephus; Marcus, Josephus, V, 405, note d

suggests as an alternative translation "stamped his feet." Josephus' specification that

David played "the harp" (compare the more general reference in 2 Rgns 6:14 to his

"sounding well-tuned instruments"; see above) is perhaps inspired by 1 Chr 15:28

which lists "harps" (LXX kinu/raij) among the instruments played during the (second)

transport of the ark.

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              25

            Both biblical accounts contain a duplicate reference to David's

exuberant doings before the ark, first in 2 Sam 6:14//1 Chr 15:27, see

above, and then in connection with Michal's reaction to her husband's

performance (6:16//15:29), with an additional notice on the ark's clam-

orous ascent (6:15//15:28) supervening. Josephus compresses here, di-

rectly linking his (single) mention of David's activities before the ark

(cf. 6:14// 15:27) to his description of the queen's reaction to these

(= 6:16//15:29): "(he himself played the harp and loudly plucked its

strings) so that Michalē (Mixa/lhn, LXX Melxo/l),⁷⁷ the daughter of

Saul the first king,⁷⁸ laughed mockingly (xleua/sai)⁷⁹ to see (i)dou=san,

2 Rgns/1 Par ei}den)⁸⁰ him act in this way."⁸¹

            Josephus (7.86) rejoins the sequence of his sources (6:17//16:1)

in relating the final installation of the ark in Jerusalem and the

sacrifices offered at that moment: "Then they brought the ark (into

the city) and placed (tiqe/asan)⁸² it under the tent (u(po_ th_n skhnh/n,

L 2 Rgns/1 Par e)n me/sw| th=j skhnh=j) which David had set up for

it (e!phcen au)th=| = 2 Rgns //1 Par),⁸³ and he sacrificed (a)nh/negke =

2 Rgns)⁸⁴ whole burnt-offerings (qusi/aj telei/aj)⁸⁵ and peace-offerings

            77. Ant. employs different forms for the name of David's wife: in 6.204 she is

called "Melcha," in 7.25 the name is "Melchalē," while here in 7.85 one finds "Michalē."

            78. This phrase has no equivalent in 2 Sam 6:16//1 Chr 15:29; it serves to remind

readers of the identity of Saul, who disappeared from the scene at the end of Ant. 6.

            79. Compare 2 Sam 6:16//1 Chr 15:29 "she despised (LXX e)coude/nwsen) him in her

heart."

            80. Continuing to compress, Josephus leaves aside the sources' reference to Mi-

chal's seeing David when she "looked out the [which?] window." In the same line he

omits the related chronological indication with which 6:16//15:29 open, i.e., "as the

ark . . . came into the city of David. . . ."

            81. 2 Sam 6:16 ("leaping and dancing")//1 Chr 15:29 ("dancing and making

merry") spell out, in a duplication of the earlier description in 6:14 (cf. 15:27), what

Michal "saw" her husband doing. Josephus' use of the summary phrase "acting in this

way" reflects the fact that in his presentation, Michal's reaction is appended directly

to his (single) account of David's activities before the ark, see above.

            82. This is the same form used in L 2 Rgns 6:17a; compare 1 Par 16:1 a)phrei/santo  

(the opening words of MT L 6:17, i.e., "and they brought in the ark of the Lord and set

it in its place inside . . ." are absent in B).

            83. Like Samuel, Josephus has not previously narrated the erection of a "tent"

for the ark by David; compare the Sondergut passage 1 Chr 15:1 which does relate such

an initiative by David in between his first and second efforts at moving the ark. Niese

and Marcus, ad loc., suggest a possible lacuna in the text of Josephus following the

above phrase.

            84. In making David alone the one to sacrifice at this juncture, Josephus follows

2 Sam 6:17 against 1 Chr 16:1 ("they offered [LXX prosh/negkan]") in accord with this

tendency to highlight the king's role vis-à-vis that of the people as a whole through-

out his version of the ark transport episode.

            85. This is Josephus' equivalent for the term o(lokautw/mata of 2 Rgns/1 Par. Note

the echo of 7.78 where David prescribes that the priests and Levites, once they have de-

posited the ark in Jerusalem, are to "worship the Deity with such sacrifices (qusi/aj).

as are pleasing to him. . . ." Here in 7.86, that directive of David's finds its realization.

26                       Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

(ei)rhnika/j⁸⁶)." The biblical accounts continue with mention of two

initiatives taken by David subsequent to the offering of the sac-

rifices: he blesses the people (6:18//16:2) and distributes various

provisions to them (6:19a//16:3). Josephus has no equivalent to the

former item.⁸⁷ His wording of the latter shows marked affinities

with that of 2 Rgns: "(David) feasted the people (to_n o!xlon . . .  

pa/nta), distributing (diadou/j)⁸⁸ among men, women and children

(nhpi/oij)⁸⁹ twists of bread (kolluri/da a!rtou),⁹⁰ ash-baked bread

Ocrxapiniv, so BL 2 Rgns), fried mealcakes (la/ganon thganisto/n, BL

2 Rgns la/ganon a)po_ thga/nou, 1 Par a)morei/thn)⁹¹ and a portion of the

sacrifice (meri/da qu/matoj)."⁹²

________________________________________________________________________

The above Greek term for "sacrifices" recurs in 8.122 (on the occasion of the dedication

of the Temple, Solomon "offered sacrifices [qusi/aj] both for himself and for the He-

brews . . ."). We will note other terminological/contentual links between Josephus' ac-

count of David's bringing the ark to Jerusalem and Solomon's dedication of the Temple,

see nn. 87, 89, 92, 95, 96.

            86. This is the same form used in BL 2 Rgns 6:17; compare 1 Par 16:1 swthri/on.

            87. Here as in the case of David's vesture (see n. 74), the "omission" might be

prompted by a concern that David not appear to be arrogating a priestly prerogative,

in casu that of blessing the people (see Num 6:22-27). Similarly, in his account of the

dedication of the Temple (Ant. 8.99-125), Josephus does not reproduce the Bible's dou-

ble mention (1 Kgs 8:14//2 Chr 6:3; 8:55) of Solomon's "blessing" of the assembled

people. See also n. 94.

            88. Compare 2 Sam 6:19 "he distributed (B dieme/risen, L e)me/rise) among all the

people (LXX panti_ tw|= law=|), the whole multitude (LXX du/namin) of Israel (BL + from

Dan to Beersheba—Josephus, in common with MT Samuel and 1 Chr 16:3 [MT LXX],

has no equivalent to this plus). . . ."

            89. The sources speak only of "men and women" as recipients of the king's

bounty; Josephus' addition of "children" magnifies the king's largess. This addition has

its counterpart in Josephus' account of Solomon's feasting the people on the occasion

of the dedication of the Temple in 8.123 (cf. 1 Kgs 8:65//2 Chr 7:8) "he gave the temple

a portion (literally taste) of the victims, and all the Hebrews with their women and

children (te/knoij) feasted therein. . . ." See n. 92. Elsewhere as well, Josephus accentu-

ates David's munificent hospitality, see L. H. Feldman, "Josephus' Portrait of David,"

HUCA 70 (1989) 129-74, 154-55.

            90. This same phrase appears in BL 2 Rgns 6:19 as the first item in the list of pro-

visions distributed by David; compare 1 Par 16:3 a!rton e#na a)rtokopiko/n.

            91. On the verbal correspondences between the list of provisions distributed by

David in 2 Rgns 6:19 and Ant. 7.86, see Ulrich, Qumran Text, 248, ". . . [Josephus] could

have never derived [his listing] from M[T], from general LXX usage, or from general

classical usage. He is totally and exactly dependent on OG [= Old Greek], to which he

gives a slight polish."

            92. This item has no equivalent in the list of David's benefactions in 2 Sam 6:19//

1 Chr 16:3. It does, however, introduce a certain parallelism between the action of

David and that of Solomon on a similar occasion, i.e., the dedication of the Temple, as

described by Josephus, see Ant. 8.123 (compare 1 Kgs 8:65//2 Chr 7:8) "he gave the

temple a portion (literally taste) of the victims and all the Hebrews with their women

and children (see n. 89) feasted therein."

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              27

            The source narratives of the second, successful transport of the

ark to Jerusalem end up (2 Sam 6:19b-20a//1 Chr 16:43)⁹³ by relat-

ing that people and king went to their respective homes, the latter

with the intent of ""blessing" his household. Josephus' version accen-

tuates the king's active role in the people's departure, while elimi-

nating the sources' mention of the royal "blessing."⁹⁴ It reads then:

"Having thus entertained the people (to_n . . . . lao/n . . . kateuxwxh/saj),⁹⁵

he dismissed (a)pe/pemyen)⁹⁶ them, while he himself went (paragi/netai)⁹⁷

to his own home."

                            MICHAL-DAVID EXCHANGE

The Chronicler's story of the coming of the ark to Jerusalem concludes

with the notice on David's retiring to bless his household, 16:43. In

Chronicles, then, mention of Michal's despising David (15:29//2 Sam

6:16) remains a "blind motif."⁹⁸ By contrast the Samuel account (6:20b–

23) does provide a resolution to the item by recounting the misfortune

that befell Michal (apparently) in punishment for her slighting of

David's religious zeal. Josephus, who, as we have seen, aligns himself

            93. Between 1 Chr 16:3 (//2 Sam 6:19a) and 16:43 (//6:19b-20a) there supervenes

a long segment of Chronistic Sondergut (compare 1 Chr 15:1-24), 16:4-42, dealing

with David's directives to the cultic officers, the Levites in particular, following the in-

stallation of the ark in Jerusalem. In leaving aside this intervening passage, Josephus

continues his downplaying of the Levites' role in the process of the ark's eventual es-

tablishment in Jerusalem. 1 Chr 16:4-42 likewise contains a long interlude (vv. 8-36)

consisting of excerpts from various psalms which David enjoins the Levites to use

in their thanksgiving to God (see v. 7). Josephus' non-utilization of this poetic material

is in line with his general practice of not reproducing the actual wording of the

"songs" (e.g., those of Moses, Exodus 15 and of Deborah, Judges 5) which are inter-

spersed throughout the biblical historical books. On the point, see L. H. Feldman,

"Josephus' Portrait of Deborah," in Hellenica et Judaica: Hommage à Valentin Nikiprow-

tzky (ed. A. Caquot et al.; Leuven/Paris: Editions Peeters, 1986) 115-28, 127-28.

            94. This "omission" corresponds to Josephus' earlier passing over of the king's

"blessing" of the entire people as related in 2 Sam 6:18//1 Chr 16:2, see n. 87.

            95. Compare 8.123 fine where Josephus speaks of Solomon's "feasting with the

whole people (su_n . . . tw|= law|= kateuwxou/menoj)" on the occasion of the dedication of the

Temple; see also the opening of 8.123 "all the Hebrews with their women and children

feasted (kateuwxh/qhsan) therein," i.e., in the Temple.

            96. In 2 Sam 6:19b//1 Chr 16:43a the assembly seems to break up on its own ini-

tiative. Josephus' reference to David's "dismissing" the people accentuates the royal

authority. It likewise has a counterpart in 8.124 (= 1 Kgs 8:66//2 Chr 7:10) where fol-

lowing the Temple dedication solemnities, Solomon "dismissed" (a)polu/santoj) those

assembled.

            97. This same historic present form is used in 7.79 in reference to David's "com-

ing" to the ark.

            98. On the question of why the Chronicler might have omitted the Michal-David

exchange as related in 2 Sam 6:20-23 even while reproducing the "set-up" for this

(2 Sam 6:16) in 1 Chr 15:29, see the commentaries.

28                      Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

more with Samuel than with Chronicles in relating the second trans-

port of the ark, continues to follow the latter at this juncture, his par-

allel to 6:20-23 being found in 7.87-89.

            Samuel's account of the Michal-David exchange opens (6:20b) with

the queen approaching David and addressing him sarcastically about

his recent behavior. Here again, Josephus' version seems to reflect a pe-

culiarity of the LXX (BL) rendition, i.e., its plus "and she blessed (i.e.,

greeted, eu)lo/gesen) him" which precedes the phrase "and said" which

it shares with MT. The Josephan parallel to 6:20b (7.87a) reads, in fact,

like an elaboration of the LXX's reference to Michal's "blessing" her

husband. It runs as follows: "Then Michalē . . . came to his side and in-

voked blessings (kathu/xeto) upon him and also asked of God that all those

things should be granted him which He in his graciousness (eu)menei=) might

bestow."⁹⁹ Thereafter, Josephus comes to report the content of Michal's

censorious word from 6:20b, recasting this as indirect discourse (see

on 7.78): "None the less, she reproached (kateme/myato) him for his

unseemly behaviour (a)kosmh/seien)¹⁰⁰ in dancing (o)rxou/menoj)¹⁰¹—so

great a king (basileu/j) as he was¹⁰²—and in uncovering himself (gum-

nou/menoj, LXX a)pekalu/fqh), as he danced (u(po_ th=j o)rxh/sewj)¹⁰³ in the

presence of slaves and maid-servants (e0n dou/loij kai_ e)n qerapaini/sin).”¹⁰⁴

            David's reply to Michal's censure comes in 6:21-22, with MT and

LXX showing a variety of differences; Josephus's parallel (7.88) goes

its own way vis-à-vis both witnesses. Thus already the opening words

            99. The effect of the above elaboration of the LXX's reference to Michal's "bless-

ing" of her husband is to further tone down the shocking effrontery of her subsequent

words to David which might well seem to call for an even more severe response from

the side of the latter than she actually receives. In addition, this opening captatio bene-

volentiae serves to make Michal appear a more adroit speaker than her utterly tactless

biblical counterpart.

            100. Josephus' only other use of the verb a)kosme/w is in Ant. 3.317.

            101. Michal's words as cited in MT 2 Sam 6:20b do not contain a reference to

"dancing"; such a reference does occur, however, at the end of the LXX version of her

words: ". . . (the king of Israel was uncovered) as one of the dancers (o)rxoume/nwn) wan-

tonly uncovers himself." Recall that in 7.85 Josephus follows LXX 2 Sam 6:14 against

MT in speaking of David's playing a musical instrument rather than "dancing" during

the (second) transport of the ark.

            102. Compare Michal's opening words in 6:20b "how the king (LXX (basileu/j) of

Israel honored himself today. . . ." In Josephus, Michal's invocation of David's status

as "king" appears to function as an appropriate motivation for her reproach about his

undignified conduct whereas in 6:20b it figures within a biting verbal assault.

            103. See n. 101.

            104. Compare 6:20b, "uncovering himself today before the eyes of his servants'

maids (LXX paidiskw=n tw=n dou/lwn)." Josephus leaves aside Michal's concluding derog-

atory reference to David's self-exposure "as one of the vulgar fellows (LXX one of the

dancers) shamelessly uncovers himself." Here again, he seems intent on toning down

the asperity of the queen's words.

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              29

he attributes--once again in indirect discourse—to David differ from

both the shorter MT ("[it was] before the Lord who . . .") and the more

expansive LXX ("before the Lord I will dance; blessed be the Lord

who . . ."): "He replied, however, that he was not ashamed (ai)dei=sqai)

of having done what was pleasing (kexarisme/non)¹⁰⁵ to God. . . ." In

line with the continuation of 6:21 Josephus goes on to have David

speak of the Deity's favoring of him: "who had honoured (proeti/mhse,

LXX e)cele/cato) him above her father and all other men (tw=n a!llwn

a(pa/ntwn). . . ."¹⁰⁶ Thereafter, he leaves aside the (self-evident) indica-

tion of 6:21ba as to how God's predilection for David was manifested,

i.e., "by appointing me as prince over Israel, the people of the Lord. . . ."

Instead, he immediately presents his version of David's statement of

his intentions for the future as cited in 6:21b0-22: ". . . and he would

often play (pai/cein, see pai/zontoj, 7.85) and dance (xoreu/sein, compare

o)rxou/menoj, 7.87)¹⁰⁷ without caring whether his actions seemed dis-

graceful (ai)sxro/n) to her maid-servants (qerapai/nisin, so 7.87) or to

herself."¹⁰⁸

            2 Sam 6:23 closes the sequel to the ark transport narrative with

the laconic statement "And Michal had no child to the day of her

death." Josephus (7.89) expands considerably, drawing on (and at-

tempting to harmonize) indications found elsewhere in the Books of

Samuel:

            Now this Michalē, while she lived with David, bore no children (pai=daj

            ou)k e)poih/sato, LXX ou0k e0ge/neto paidi/on),¹⁰⁹ but, after her later

            105. This term echoes 7.78 where David decides that the priests and Levites are

to offer "such sacrifices . . . as are pleasing (xai/rei) to Him."

            106. 2 Sam 6:21 reads "(the Lord who chose me above your father) and above all

his house." Josephus magnifies God's favoring of David by having him honor the king

not only above Saul's "house," but above "all other men."

            107. The above verbal collocation is Niese's emendation for the pai/zein . . .

xoreu/sai read by the codices. Josephus' wording here is clearly closer to that of LXX

(6:21 fine) "and I will play and dance (pai/comai kai_ o)rxh/soumai) before the Lord" than to

MT's "and I will make merry (ytqx#$) before the Lord."

            108. David's closing words to Michal as cited by Josephus differ notably from the

(themselves divergent) readings of both MT and LXX 6:22. The former witness makes

David say: "I will make myself yet more contemptible than this, and I will be abased

in my eyes; but by the maids of whom you have spoken I shall be held in honor," while

the latter has: "I will again uncover myself thus, and I will be vile in your eyes and

with your maidservants (paidiskw=n) of whom you said I would get honor (thus the

reading of BL; most MSS read of whom you said I would not get honor)." Note that Jo-

sephus, like LXX and against MT, represents David as anticipating a negative response

to his announced activities both from Michal herself and from her maids.

            109. The reference here would seem to be to the initial period in Michal's married

life when she was the wife of David to whom Saul had given her (see 1 Sam 18:27//

Ant. 6.204).

30                        Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

            marriage to the man on whom her father Saul bestowed her¹¹⁰—at this

            particular time, David who had taken her away from him was again her

            husband¹¹¹—she bore five children.¹¹² But of this we shall treat in its proper

            place.¹¹³

                                       CONCLUSIONS

Having completed my detailed analysis of Josephus' account of the

transfer of the ark, I wish now to return briefly to the questions with

which this study began in order to summarize my findings regard-

ing them. It is, first of all, clear that Josephus utilized both biblical

            110. The allusion here is apparently to 1 Sam 25:44 (//Ant. 6.309) which records

that Saul gave Michal, David's wife, to Palti the son of Laish. Marcus, Josephus, V, 407

n. b identifies the nameless "man" of 7.88 rather as Adriel son of Barzillai who, how-

ever, is designated in 1 Sam 18:19 (no parallel in Josephus) as the one to whom Saul

gave another of his daughters, i.e., Merab (Josephus mentions this latter woman, un-

der the name "Merobe," only in his list of Saul's progeny in 6.129//1 Sam 14:49).

            111. Josephus seems to be alluding her to David's "recovery" of Michal from her

second husband Palti(el) as described in 2 Sam 3:13-16 (//Ant. 7.25-26). Note that

neither the Bible nor Josephus record a corresponding "recovery" by David of Merab

from the man to whom Saul had given her, i.e., Adriel, cf. preceding note.

            112. This indication apparently has in view 2 Sam 21:8 where MT and B speak of

the five sons Michal bore to Adriel. This statement would seem to contradict not only

2 Sam 6:23 (Michal had no children to the day of her death), but also 1 Sam 18:19

where Adriel becomes the husband not of Michal, but of her sister Merab (compare

1 Sam 25:44; 2 Sam 3:15 where Michal's second husband is identified as Palti[el]). In

light of these discrepancies it is not surprising that already in ancient times efforts at

harmonization were made. Thus L 2 Rgns 21:8 makes "Merob," not Michal, the mother

of Adriel's ("Ezri's") five sons in accord with the notice of 1 Sam 18:19, see above. TJ

2 Sam 21:8 too introduces Merab as the mother of the five sons of Adriel, while insert-

ing the notice that these were "raised" by Michal (their actual mother according to

MT). Josephus adopts yet another approach to the harmonization problem. In 7.89,

apparently under the influence of 2 Sam 21:8 (MT, B), he designates Michal as the

mother of five children, while keeping their father nameless so as to preclude the ap-

pearance of a conflict among the data of 1 Sam 18:19; 25:44; 2 Sam 3:15; 21:8 regarding

the respective husbands of Michal and Merab. Subsequently, in his version of 2 Sam

21:8 in Ant. 7.296 he speaks in global terms of "the seven sons of Saul's family" whom

David handed over the Gibeonites without reproducing the source datum that five of

these were children of Adriel by his wife Merab/Michal.

            113. In fact, as Marcus, Josephus, V, 407 n. d points out, there is no subsequent

mention of Michal in Ant. That Josephus sometimes thus "forgets" to do what he has

said he will earlier on in Ant. is understandable given the vastness of the work and the

long and desultory process of its composition. Perhaps, however, Josephus does not so

much "forget" the promise of 7.89 as change his mind regarding it. Having "antici-

pated" the (MT/B) datum of 2 Sam 21:8 about Michal's five children there, he opts,

when he comes to relate the story itself (2 Sam 21:1-14//7.294-97) from which that

verse is drawn, to incorporate the source's mention of the five sons Michal bore Adriel

into a generalized reference to "the seven sons of Saul" (7.296) so as to obviate the

"contradiction" with 1 Sam 19:18 according to which Adriel was the husband of Merab,

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              31

sources for the story, rather than confining himself exclusively to

one of them. In particular, he bases himself (primarily) on Chronicles

(13:1-14) in relating the preparations for the initial attempt at mov-

ing the ark, the disastrous result, and David's response to this (7.78-

83). Thereafter, however, he shifts to Samuel (6:12-23) as his (main)

source when recounting David's second, successful transfer of the ark

and his subsequent exchange with Michal (7.84-89). In thus alternat-

ing between his sources, Josephus seems to have been prompted by

the desire to make maximal use of material proper to one or the other

of them, e.g., the elaborate preparations for the ark's first move (1 Chr

13:1-4//7.78-79a) or the Michal-David contretemps (2 Sam 6:20b-23/

/7.87-89).

            An additional question concerns the text-form(s) of Samuel and

Chronicles Josephus had available in composing 7.78-89. Here, we

noted several clear indications of his dependence on readings pecu-

liar to LXX (B and/or L) of both sources: mention of the "leaders"

among those with whom David consults (7.78, so L 1 Par 13:1); the

plural form "brothers" (7.79, so 2 Rgns /1 Par as against the proper

name "Ahio" of MT Samuel/Chronicles); the "seven choirs" present

for the second transfer of the ark (7.85, so 2 Rgns 6:13); David's play-

ing of an instrument on this occasion (7.85, so 2 Rgns 6:14; compare

MT "dancing"); Michal's "blessing" of David (7.87, so the plus of 2 Rgns

6:20). Recall as well the notable verbal correspondences between 7.82

and 2 Rgns 6:8 (the "breach of Oza") and 7.86 and 2 Rgns 6:19 (the list

of provisions distributed by David). Conversely, clear-cut indicators of

Josephus' utilization of a MT-like text of either Samuel or Chronicles

appear to be lacking. The most noteworthy pointer in this direction

would be Josephus' designation of the owner of the threshing-floor

where Uzzah met his death as "Cheidōn" à la the "Chidon" of MT

1 Chr 13:9. The significance of this communality is, however, partially

undercut by the presence of variant forms of the name in our Ant.

MSS.¹¹⁴

            The final question cited in my introduction has to do with the "re-

writing techniques" applied by Josephus to his sources, the reasons

___________________________________________________________

see n. 110. A similar case occurs in connection with 5.31 where Josephus states that he

will later relate the fulfillment of Joshua's curse (Josh 6:26) against any who would re-

build the walls of Jericho. This announcement obviously has in view the report con-

cerning the rebuilding of Jericho in the reign of Ahab in 1 Kgs 16:34. Nevertheless, in

his introduction to Ahab's reign in 8.315-18 (//1 Kgs 16:29-34) Josephus makes no

mention of Jericho's rebuilding. On this latter case, see Begg, Josephus' Account, 154-55.

            114. The above findings confirm those of Ulrich, Qumran Text, regarding the bib-

lical text used by Josephus for 1 and 2 Samuel in general and 2 Samuel 6 in particular.

See his statement (p. 233): ". . . the bible which lay before Josephus as he compiled the

32                           Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

for and effects of their employment by him. A first such technique is

Josephus' elimination or abridgement of source material. The most

obvious instance of its application in Ant. 7.78-89 is the historian's

non-utilization of the two long Sondergut segments 1 Chr 15:1-24 and

16:4– 42. Josephus' dispensing with these passages is readily under-

standable given the nature of their contents, i.e., extended lists of

proper names, cultic details, and poetic quotations (16:8-36), items

that Gentile readers would surely find tiresome and whose analogues

Josephus routinely jettisons elsewhere in his retelling of the Bible.¹¹⁵

In addition, Josephus either passes over entirely or compresses shorter

components of Samuel and/or Chronicles. Thus, e.g., he leaves aside

any mention of the "assembly" which David addresses and whose

approbation of his proposal he receives according to 1 Chr 13:2– 4

when recounting the king's preparations for his initial moving of the

ark. Of special interest is his excision of two items common to both

sources which could suggest an arrogation of priestly prerogatives

by David, i.e., the vesture worn by him during the second transport

of the ark (2 Sam 6:14//1 Chr 15:27) and his intended "blessing" of

his household (2 Sam 6:20a//1 Chr 16:43b). Similarly, Josephus drops

the sources' problematic identification of Obed-Edom, the ark's des-

ignated custodian, as "the Gittite" (see 7.83, compare 2 Sam 6:10//

1 Chr 13:13). Also under this heading belongs Josephus' condensation

(see 7.85) of the sequence of 2 Sam 6:13-16 (cf. 1 Chr 15:26-29) with

its duplicate references to "sacrifices" and to David's "cavorting" be-

fore the ark.

            Conversely, Josephus adds to/expatiates on the data of his sources

to varying degrees and for a variety of purposes. The chronological

indication at the opening of 7.78 ("but when this battle also had come

to such an end . . .") establishes a smoother transition between the

ark transfer narrative and the previous account of David's double

victory over the Philistines (7.71-77). Repeatedly, Josephus accentu-

ates the stature of David within the ark episode(s) elaborating on the

___________________________________________________________________

Samuel portion of his Jewish Antiquities was a Greek bible of an Old Greek/proto-

Lucianic nature." That Greek biblical text, in turn, "was intimately affiliated with the

4QSam^a tradition" (p. 259). Conversely, "for the sections for which 4QSama is extant,

[Josephus] shows not a single detail which is clearly or even probably dependent on a

bible of the Massoretic tradition or on a biblical text in the Hebrew language." See

further, idem, "Josephus' Biblical Text for the Books of Samuel," in Josephus, the Bible

and History (ed. L. H. Feldman and G. Hata; Detroit: Wayne State University Press,

1989) 81-96.

            115. Recall, however, that Josephus does show evidence of his familiarity with

the material of 1 Chr 15:1-24 in his according Levitical status to both Abinadab and

Obed-Edom; see n. 61.

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              33

words, thoughts and emotions the sources attribute to him, see 7.78

(compare 1 Chr 13:2-3), 82 (compare 2 Sam 6:9//1 Chr 13:12), 84 (com-

pare 1 Sam 6:12a.). Similarly, David's standing as the generous "host"

of his subjects is highlighted by Josephus' additions (7.86, compare

2 Sam 6:18//1 Chr 16:3) about his "feasting," not only the Israelite men

and women, but the "children" as well, and distributing "a portion of

the sacrifice" to his guests (this last addition further establishes a link

between the initiatives of David and Solomon [see 8.123] at the his-

toric cultic occasions over which they respectively preside). His in-

serted mention of the "oxen" drawing the cart (7.80, compare 2 Sam

6:4 //1 Chr 13:7) not only prepares the subsequent notice on the oxen

"jostling" the ark (7.81 = 2 Sam 6:6//1 Chr 13:8),¹¹⁶ but also intro-

duces a reminiscence of the earlier story of the ark's return, likewise

under "cattle power," from the Philistine country (Ant. 6.11-15//

1 Sam 6:10-16). The historian's embellishments of the person of Obed-

Edom/Obadaros ("a righteous man, a Levite by descent"¹¹⁷) and the

spectacular good fortune that befalls him (7.83-84, compare 2 Sam

6:10-12a//1 Chr 13:13-14) help explain why he should be the one

selected to host the ark and why David eventually ventures a second

attempt at moving it. Another such "explanatory addition," one re-

flective also of the "priestly perspective" that characterizes his entire

version of the ark transfer episode (see below), is Josephus' inter-

jected comment that God smote Uzzah "because he had touched it

(the ark) though not a priest" (7.81, compare 2 Sam 6:6-7//1 Chr 13:9-

10). The biblical portrayal of Michal is also elaborated by Josephus.

Inspired by the LXX reference to her "blessing" her husband in 2 Sam

6:20, he (7.87) attributes an extended opening captatio benevolentiae to

the queen, while his expansion (7.89) of the datum of 6:23 about her

"childlessness" has in view other (divergent) scriptural indications

about Michal as wife and mother.

            The final significant rewriting technique applied by Josephus in

7.78-89 is his modifications of the sources' style, wording and con-

tent. Under the heading of stylistic modifications we noted, e.g., his

repeated introduction of historic present forms (see 7.79, 81, 83, 84, 86)

where the LXX has the past and recasting of biblical direct as indirect

discourse (see 7.87-88, compare 2 Sam 6:20-22). Terminological modi-

fications include, e.g., Josephus' consistent substitution of alternative

            116. Another instance of such an "anticipatory addition" by Josephus is his uti-

lization of elements drawn from 1 Chr 13:5-6 already in his version of 13:1-4 (David's

statement of his plans for the ark) in 7.78.

            117. Recall that Josephus draws this item from the Chronicler's Sondergut seg-

ments, i.e., 1 Chr 15:1-24 (see vv. 18, 21, 24) and 16:4-42 (see vv. 5, 38), which he does

not reproduce as such.

34                       Bulletin for Biblical Research 7

phraseology for the sources' mention of "the Lord."¹¹⁸ In the category

of contentual modifications, one notes especially his twice introduc-

ing the specification that "priests" were the ones to bear the ark, see

7.79 (compare 2 Sam 6:3 //1 Chr 13:7 where an indeterminate "they"

carry the ark) and 85 (compare 6:13 ["those who bore the arkl //

15:27 ["the Levites carrying the ark"]). In the case of 7.79, Josephus'

identification of the priests as the ark's bearers goes together with a

further modification of the sources' presentation likewise designed

to underscore the priests' primacy in the ark's transfer, i.e., his indi-

cation that they "permitted" (the Levite, see 6.18) Aminadab's re-

lations to "draw" the cart on which the ark was mounted. Content

modifications are likewise employed by Josephus ( just as are his

omissions and additions, see above) to highlight the image of David's

authoritative role throughout the ark transfer process. Thus, e.g., in

7.86 David is explicitly said to "dismiss" those assembled in Jerusa-

lem, whereas in 2 Sam 6:19b//1 Chr 16:43a the people seem to set out

for home on their own initiative.

            In summing up now on the overall distinctiveness of Josephus'

ark transfer story vis-à-vis those of the sources, I suggest that the

latter stands out especially for its sustained insistence on priestly

prerogatives. That insistence finds both positive (priests bear the ark

each time; it is only with their permission that non-priests "draw"

the ark's cart) and negative (David does not arrogate priestly com-

petences, Uzzah pays with his life for doing so; the numerous men-

tions of the Levites throughout 1 Chronicles 13-16 are reduced to a

single one, see 7.78) expression. Such a "sacerdotal emphasis" to

Josephus' retelling of the story reflects his pride in his own priestly

ancestry, the very first point mentioned by him in his autobiography

(Vita 1) and his touchiness about the efforts made in the recent past

by Levites to gain priestly privileges for themselves (see Ant. 20.216-

18, cf. n. 74). In addition, Josephus' version consistently highlights the

(non-priestly) role of David in the proceedings, just as it, inspired by

the LXX's mention of Michal's "blessing" David, counterbalances and

softens the asperity of the words attributed to her in 2 Sam 6:20b by

means of the initial prayer for the king's welfare reported in 7.87. Fi-

nally, we have noted the verbal links and harmonizations introduced

by Josephus between his retelling of the ark transfer story and other

biblical episodes as related by him (the ark's return to the land of

            118. Note too, Josephus' avoidance of the phrase "the ark of the covenant (LXX

diaqh/khj) of the Lord" employed in 1 Chr 15:26 (//2 Sam 6:13, "the ark of the Lord"),

29 (//2 Sam 6:16, "the ark of the Lord"). On the historian's avoidance of the LXX term

diaqh/kh (= tyrb, "covenant"), see Begg, Josephus' Account, 100-101 n. 609 and the liter-

ature cited there.

           BEGG: David's Transfer of the Ark according to Josephus              35

Israel, Solomon's dedication of the Temple, Michal's maternity). All

these distinguishing features of the Josephan account in Ant. 7.78-89

reveal a careful, self-conscious redactor of the sources' data on which

he brought to bear a range of purposes and concerns. Those same

characteristics, in turn, mark the whole of Josephus' retelling of bib-

lical history throughout Ant. 1-11 and give studies like this one their

interest and importance.¹¹⁹

            119. See further Begg, Josephus' Account, 286.